Submitted to the Faculty of Education in Fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF EDUCATION in the Department of Philosophy of Education, University of Zululand, 1991. / This study is conducted within the Department of Philosophy of Education. The researcher established that there are two rival claims in so far as the role of the school is concerned. We live at a time where there is a great talk on the rights, needs and interests of the individual. Such talks are more often than not, founded on a big caption of individual autonomy or in¬dividual freedom. As the position of the individual is exalted, schools are also blamed for failing to enhance the status of the individual. The second claim is that of the role of the school and society. In this regard the school is merely seen as an agency or instrument for a society. Its task should therefore be centered around preparing individuals for com¬munity service. The researcher is therefore advocating that neither side should be afforded predominance over the other. To this end, the school should be seen as an institution that should help bring about harmony between individual autonomy and responsible citizenship. In order to confirm the supposition on "a Focus on the Pedagogical relevance of the school in harmonizing education for individual autonomy with responsible citizenship: Implica¬tions for a school curriculum", the researcher stated his problem in a question form like this: Can a school manage to bring about harmony between individual autonomy and responsible citizenship? What curriculum can be envisaged if a compromise between individual freedom and citizenship is reached? Methods of research included, among other things, discussions with members of the public like parents. The researcher intended to find out how parents feel about the role and the contribution that is made by schools. Some members of the parent—community were also interviewed. Certain key figures in the society, at schools, universities, technikons and colleges of education were also interviewed on the role that could be played by the school in bringing about a compromise between individual autonomy and responsible citizenship. Teachers of high schools and senior secondary schools were requested to fill in a questionnaire. Through literature review, discussions, interviews and empirical investigation, the researcher found that most people believe that the question of the pedagogical relevance of the school in bringing about harmony between education for in¬dividual autonomy and responsible citizenship has to do with an aim of education. Briefly, it hinges on what children will become after they have completed schooling. Both parents and teachers agreed that the school can¬not be solely held responsible for the education of children. It was then suggested that the school should work in close contact with the parent com¬munity. Aims and purposes of education should be decided by both parents and teachers. The researcher also found that teachers and parents agreed that there is nothing like absolute individual autonomy. For this reason, there is therefore a general consensus that proper education is the one that prepares pupils to live both as worthy individuals and as responsible citizens. An individual in this study was viewed as a person with his own needs, wants, interests, rights and wishes which need not be suppressed at the expense of those of a society. On the other hand a responsible citizen was seen as a person who does not only live for himself, but for other people as well. The researcher then concluded that in executing their ped¬agogic tasks, both teachers at school and the parent community should real¬ize that the needs of an individual and those of a society are interdepen¬dent. There must be harmony between the needs of an individual and those of a society. The school must therefore not only inculcate a spirit of in¬dividualism in pupils but also a spirit of community service. Lastly, the researcher recommended that since the school curriculum dic¬tates what children will become when they have finished schooling, it therefore needs serious attention. It is therefore recommended that a school curriculum should be designed in such a way that it encompasses both the needs of learners and those of their societies. There is therefore a need for further research on the needs of learners and those of their societies. The school curriculum should not only be designed by a selected few. Teachers, members of the public, the private sector, and if possible, students, should all be consulted before a school curriculum is designed. / BP South Africa Pty (Ltd) and the University of Zululand

Con il presente lavoro si cerca di ricostruire il percorso storico del diritto del lavoro, dalle sue origini sino ai nostri giorni, prendendo come punto di riferimento il ruolo svolto dall'autonomia privata individuale. si potrà osservare come la volontà delle parti contrattuali incide profondamente sulla nascita, creazione e sviluppo del diritto del lavoro. Il diritto del lavoro postindustriale nasce come conseguenza delle rivoluzioni borghese ed industriale, periodo governato dalla volontà individuale plasmata attraverso il contratto. successivamente, l'autonomia individuale perderà la iniziale supremazia come fonte e sarà relegata all'ultimo gradino delle fonti del diritto del lavoro, dopo la legge e l'autonomia collettiva. Infine, nell'epoca attuale, si assiste ad una sempre più marcata ripresa dell'autonomia individuale che si presenta come uno degli elementi qualificanti delle attuali trasformazioni del diritto del lavoro. / This paper tries to describe the historical path of the labour law, starting from its origin to present days, taking the role played by the private individual autonomy as a point of reference. It will be possible to acknowledge that contractors will deeply affect the origin, creation and development of the labour law. The post industrial labour law is the result of the bourgeois and industrial revolutions, when the individual will was shaped through the contract. Afterwards, the individual autonomy ceases to have its supremacy as source and is put amongst the less important level of the sources of labour law, after acts and collective autonomy. Then, a present, individual autonomy is increasingly affecting the recent transformation of labour law and represent one of the most important elements qualifying the process of change.

Yes / In this paper we examine empirically a key element of individualisation theory - the democratic family. We do so using the 'acid test' of family policy, and family practice, in Sweden. First we review the progress of family policy in Sweden since the 1960s, which has expressly promoted an agenda of gender equality and democracy in families, with individual autonomy for both adults and children as one key element. We then turn to family practice, looking particularly at negotiation and adult equality, lifelong parenting after separation, and children's autonomy. While Swedish policy makers and shapers seem to have developed the idea of the democratic family long before the sociologist Anthony Giddens, the results in practice have been more ambivalent. While there has been change, there is more adaptation to pre-existing gender and generational norms.

Tendo como premissas teóricas o liberalismo político e os limites internos da atuação do Estado, este estudo pretende ser uma contribuição à crítica do paternalismo jurídico, na medida em que traz para o debate constitucional contemporâneo uma categoria pouco estudada no direito brasileiro. O paternalismo existe se um agente estatal exerce o poder sobre um indivíduo, por meio de uma ação governamental, com a finalidade de evitar que o indivíduo pratique ações privadas ou se omita de tal forma a causar danos, ou risco de danos, a si mesmo. A partir da Constituição de 1988, os direitos fundamentais, em especial a autonomia individual, voltaram a ser levados a sério. Pouco a pouco, as questões morais controvertidas ganham espaço na mídia e nos tribunais. Essas questões exigem dos intérpretes uma nova hermenêutica. A leitura moral da constituição é o método interpretativo que traz a moralidade política para o centro do direito constitucional. Como a Constituição Federal de 1988 está vazada numa linguagem jurídica extremamente abstrata, é preciso recorrer a princípios morais abstratos, usados como limites aos poderes do Estado. Essa leitura moral da Constituição consagra o princípio central contra o paternalismo: cada indivíduo é digno de igual consideração e respeito como sujeito autônomo de direitos. / Taking as theoretical premises the political liberalism and the inner bounds of state action, this study aims to be a contribution to the critics of legal paternalism, as it brings to the current constitutional debate a still barely studied category. Legal paternalism exists if a state official influences someone to practice or to avoid conducts that could cause harm to self through government actions. Since the Constitution of 1988, fundamental rights- especially autonomy- have been taken seriously again. Gradually, the controversial moral issues have reached both the media and the Courts, requiring from interpreters a new hermeneutics. The moral reading of the constitution is the interpretative method which brings political morality to the center of Constitutional Law. As the Constitution of 1988 is built upon a highly abstract language, it is necessary to resort to abstract moral principles, which are used as limits to the powers of State. In a word, it is necessary to develop a moral reading of the Constitution which consecrate the main principle against paternalism: the State owes to each and every person equal respect and concern as autonomous rightsholder.

Tendo como premissas teóricas o liberalismo político e os limites internos da atuação do Estado, este estudo pretende ser uma contribuição à crítica do paternalismo jurídico, na medida em que traz para o debate constitucional contemporâneo uma categoria pouco estudada no direito brasileiro. O paternalismo existe se um agente estatal exerce o poder sobre um indivíduo, por meio de uma ação governamental, com a finalidade de evitar que o indivíduo pratique ações privadas ou se omita de tal forma a causar danos, ou risco de danos, a si mesmo. A partir da Constituição de 1988, os direitos fundamentais, em especial a autonomia individual, voltaram a ser levados a sério. Pouco a pouco, as questões morais controvertidas ganham espaço na mídia e nos tribunais. Essas questões exigem dos intérpretes uma nova hermenêutica. A leitura moral da constituição é o método interpretativo que traz a moralidade política para o centro do direito constitucional. Como a Constituição Federal de 1988 está vazada numa linguagem jurídica extremamente abstrata, é preciso recorrer a princípios morais abstratos, usados como limites aos poderes do Estado. Essa leitura moral da Constituição consagra o princípio central contra o paternalismo: cada indivíduo é digno de igual consideração e respeito como sujeito autônomo de direitos. / Taking as theoretical premises the political liberalism and the inner bounds of state action, this study aims to be a contribution to the critics of legal paternalism, as it brings to the current constitutional debate a still barely studied category. Legal paternalism exists if a state official influences someone to practice or to avoid conducts that could cause harm to self through government actions. Since the Constitution of 1988, fundamental rights- especially autonomy- have been taken seriously again. Gradually, the controversial moral issues have reached both the media and the Courts, requiring from interpreters a new hermeneutics. The moral reading of the constitution is the interpretative method which brings political morality to the center of Constitutional Law. As the Constitution of 1988 is built upon a highly abstract language, it is necessary to resort to abstract moral principles, which are used as limits to the powers of State. In a word, it is necessary to develop a moral reading of the Constitution which consecrate the main principle against paternalism: the State owes to each and every person equal respect and concern as autonomous rightsholder.

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has strongly impacted the global workplace. A great number of organizations which had never before allowed their employees to work from home now do so. Many co-located, traditional teams have changed their work setting to virtual, and have become virtual teams. The aim of this study was to examine how team members have perceived communication in teams after the transition from traditional to virtual teams. Individual interviews were chosen as a study method. The collected data has been analyzed with help of a thematic analysis framework. The study results have indicated that the transition has impacted communication and coordination in virtual teams. The interviewed team members have experienced communication barriers. The crucial factor indicated by the interviewed team members as influencing teamwork has been lack of physical meetings and face-to-face communication. The affected areas are socializing, information and knowledge sharing and coordination. Accordingly, the study results have confirmed that, despite the continuous improvements in virtual communication tools, there is still value in face-to-face communication. Moreover, the study has showed that productivity in virtual teams has improved, which might be a result of experienced individual and team autonomy. The interviewed team members of virtual teams have assessed their digital readiness in terms of using different digital tools and services as good, which has allowed them to perform their duties effectively. The study results have contributed to the existed body of research on virtual teams and indicated the areas of further investigations. / Utbrottet av COVID-19 pandemin har kraftigt påverkat den globala arbetsmarknaden. En stor del av organisationer som aldrig tidigare tillåtit sina anställda arbeta hemifrån tillåter det nu. Många tidigare samlokaliserade, traditionella team har fått ändra sitt arbetssätt och bli virtuella team. Studiens syfte var att undersöka hur projektmedlemmar upplevt kommunikation i team efter omställningen från traditionella till virtuella team. Individuella intervjuer har valts som metod för att genomföra studien. Insamlade material har analyserats med hjälp av tematisk analys. Resultat av denna studie har påvisat att omställningen påverkat kommunikation och koordination i virtuella team. De intervjuade projektmedlemmarna har upplevt begränsningar i kommunikationen. Den avgörande faktorn som haft inflyttande över teamarbetet har visat sig vara avsaknad av fysiska möten och face-to-face kommunikation. De områden som berörs är social sammanhållning, informationsdelning och kunskapsdelning samt koordination. Därmed har resultatet visat att trots utvecklingen av digitala verktyg, ska vikten av face-to-face kommunikation inte underskattas. Studien har dessutom påvisat att produktivitet i virtuella team ökat, vilket kan vara ett resultat av projektmedlemmarnas upplevelse av individuell and team autonomi. De intervjuade projektmedlemmarna av virtuella team har bedömt sina kunskaper inom olika digitala verktyg som goda, vilket möjliggjort ett effektivt arbete. Resultatet av denna studie har bidragit till befintlig forskning om virtuella team och har identifierat områden som behöver undersökas närmare.

La sovrapposizione fra disposizioni legislative e accordi contrattuali di vario livello caratterizza da sempre la disciplina del tempo di lavoro: la direttiva europea 1993/104 – poi sostituita dalla 2003/88 – autorizza infatti gli Stati membri ad attribuire alla contrattazione collettiva un’ampia capacità derogatoria rispetto alle regole minime introdotte nel medesimo testo normativo, riservando al contempo un ruolo di rilievo all’autonomia individuale. Nucleo centrale della ricerca è l’analisi – effettuata anche in modo comparativo alla luce della disciplina vigente in altri ordinamenti europei – del ruolo attribuito alla contrattazione collettiva e all’autonomia individuale dal d.lgs. n. 66/2003, allo scopo di verificare se il legislatore italiano, nel recepire la direttiva europea sull’orario di lavoro, abbia saputo raggiungere un equilibrio socialmente accettabile tra istanze di flessibilità e di competitività avanzate dalle imprese ed esigenze di stabilità dei lavoratori. / The overlap between law and collective bargaining of various level is typical of working time regulation: in fact, the European directive 1993/104 – replaced by 2003/88 – authorizes collective bargaining to introduce a lot of exceptions to the same normative text, reserving at the meantime a remarkable role to the individual autonomy. The analyses of the role attributed to the collective bargaining and the individual autonomy by legislative degree n. 66/2003 – effected in comparative way too – is the topic of the research; the purpose is to verify if the Italian legislator, implementing working time European directive, has reached an acceptable balance among appeals of flexibility and competitiveness advanced from the enterprises and employees’ demands for stability.

This thesis studies three major reforms in the public sector of Norway. The sectors studied are the police, higher education, and primary schools. The main motive for studying these reforms are of a theoretical nature, the reason to study them is to produce general knowledge about reforms. The study aims to answer two main questions. One is about the possibilities and limitations contained in using reforms to change organizations. The second is about how organizations can promote the ideals of representative democracy. In its efforts to attain answers to these questions the thesis blends empirically-oriented research with aspects of organization theory and political theory. The thesis is divided into four different parts. First, there is a descriptive presentation of the three reforms. Secondly, there is a discussion of various theories of reforms and organizations. The primary aim of this analysis is to illuminate and explain the empirical data, but this discussion should also provide its own answers to the main questions asked in the thesis. Thirdly, these theories are applied to analyze data from the three reforms. And finally, the study concludes with a summary of what general insights about the reforms we are left with after studying the Quality Reform, The Police Reform 2000, and the Knowledge Reform. The study shows that reforms have both policy and content aspects, and that it is important to distinguish between the two in order to analyse and understand them. The policy aspect is that reforms are a strategy for change - they are tools for implementing change in organizations. The content aspect is that reforms have a specific content - they have certain objectives that they want to realize. The study concludes that in order to understand this complex and fascinating phenomenon, we need to understand reforms both as instrumental tools, institutional adaptations and symbols.

L’opera analizza l’evoluzione del contratto di lavoro a tempo parziale nell’ordinamento europeo e italiano. In Italia successivamente a una fase pionieristica la prima regolamentazione legislativa, l. n. 864 1983, lascia aperti numerosi problemi interpretativi. L’ordinamento europeo tenta di superare la mancanza di una specifica regolamentazione a protezione del lavoro part-time, basandosi sul principio della parità di retribuzione tra uomini e donne, come affermato dalla Corte di giustizia. Infine il part time è regolato dalla Direttiva 97/81, che da un lato rappresenta l’apice del Dialogo sociale europeo, dall’altro è tra gli istituti su cui la Strategia europea per l’occupazione fa affidamento, soprattutto per aumentare il tasso di presenza femminile al lavoro. Successivamente, la legge n. 61/2000 traspone la direttiva nell’ordinamento italiano. A partire da allora in un’ ottica di favorire l’incremento del part time, alcune clausole subiscono numerose modifiche, che oscillano tra delega alla contrattazione collettiva e all’autonomia individuale. L’incremento del part time nel corso degli ultimi anni, anche a seguito della crisi, è rappresentato da part timers involontari, che accettano questo contratto soltanto in mancanza di un impiego a tempo pieno. Infine si compie un’analisi circa i futuri sviluppi della normativa sul tempo parziale. Più nello specifico, la perenne tensione tra contrattazione collettiva e autonomia individuale, entrambe indispensabili, dovrebbe tendere ad un nuovo equilibrio regolativo. Inoltre le auspicate modifiche legislative in ordine a un pieno diritto al part time, non potranno ignorare, in un’ ottica funzionale, una armonizzazione con le regole in tema di aspettative e permessi. / The study focuses on part-time work evolution in the European and Italian systems. After a pioneering phase, the first legislative regulation in Italy, law n. 864/1983, raises a number of interpretation problems. The European System attempts to overcome the lack of a specific regulation to protect part-time work by relying on the principle of equal pay for men and women as stated by the European Court of Justice. In the end, part-time is regulated by Directive 97 /81 which, on the one hand, represents the success of the European social dialogue and, on the other hand, is one of the most important means to increase the number of women in the work market according to the European Employment Strategy. At a later stage, the law n . 61/2000 transposes the Directive into the Italian system. Since then, in a perspective of increasing part-time, some clauses in Italy undergo numerous changes which specifically range from delegation to collective bargaining and to the individual autonomy. The increased number of part-timers in recent years, partly as a result of the economic crisis, is represented by the involuntary part-timer workers, which accept contracts only in the absence of full time employment. In the end, the study anticipates future developments in part-time work regulation. More specifically, the constant tension between individual autonomy and collective bargaining, which are both crucial, should tend to a new regulative equilibrium. In addition, future advocated legislative changes related to a full right to part-time should not ignore, in a functional perspective, the harmonization with the rules regarding leaves of absences and other permitted absences.

Pareils à nombre de révolutionnaires français, Robespierre et Condorcet souhaitent rompre avec l'Ancien régime en reconnaissant la souveraineté naturelle du peuple et les droits naturels des hommes. Cependant, en démocrates assumés et conséquents, ils se singularisent en présentant la nécessité du gouvernement représentatif comme une étape provisoire de la réalisation libre et heureuse des hommes et non comme une fin. Convaincus d’une nature humaine perfectible, habilitant l’homme à un devenir libre et heureux, les deux révolutionnaires sont conduits à promouvoir, l’idée d’un droit perfectible et celle d’une constitution transitoire capable d’articuler souveraineté du peuple et gouvernement à la naturalisation progressive des institutions et des hommes. Les progrès de l’autoconstitution du peuple souverain, appuyés par ses représentants provisoires, engagent les conditions d’une autonomisation de la société et ouvrent la voie à celle de l’individu en réconciliant l’État et la société. / Like many French revolutionaries, Robespierre and Condorcet wish to break with the Ancien Régime (Old Regime) by acknowledging the natural sovereignty of the people and the natural rights of men. However, as asserted and consistent democrats, they stand out by presenting the need of a representative government, not as an end, but as a provisional step to men’s achievement of freedom and happiness. Convinced of a perfectible human nature, empowering man to become free and happy, the two revolutionaries are led to promote the idea of a perfectible right and a transitional constitution which can connect sovereignty of the people and government to progressive naturalization of institutions and men. The progress in self-constitution of popular sovereignty, supported by its temporary representatives, sets the conditions of society’s empowerment and paves the way to that of the individual by reconciling the State and the society.