This thesis presents the findings of research into industrial and employment relations in the PNG mining industry, with particular reference to the Porgera gold mine. The thesis examines the challenges multinational mining companies go through in the formation and control of the workforces in PNG mines. Recruitment, training, localisation and industrial relations issues are discussed in relation to several mines, including Porgera. The discussion analyses two crucial concepts, 'pluralism' and 'exceptionalism' to draw attention to the fact that PNG's industrial relations system is 'pluralistic' in nature and approach; and therefore, 'exceptional' when compared to similar developing countries. Further, the thesis also analyses two theoretical models: general mode of industrialisation and state model. It assesses their applicability and relevance to PNG's human resource development and industrial relations system, particularly in the mining industry. The research draws on data gathered through long periods of fieldwork and observation of indigenous workers in PNG mines. It discusses entry to and adaptation to industrial work by Papua New Guinea tribes people. Particularly, the emergence of an industrial workforce at Porgera mine and its human resource implications are explored and discussed. One theme is the role of recruitment and training on 'greenfield' sites in the remote locations where the mines are situated. This includes the issues, concerns and dilemmas which multinational mining companies face in trying to balance the employment expectations and training requirements of both local inhabitants and the PNG government. Attention is paid to explaining how multinational mining companies have overcome such pressures by introducing ethnic affirmative action policies which favours the employment of local inhabitants. The roles of the PNG government, mining companies, trade unions and community groups are highlighted in the operation of industrial employment relations in the mines. The general aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the emergence and interplay of pluralistic institutions and the formation of an industrial workforce as a result of the mining company. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Existing theories and literature seeking to explain small business reticence to engage in enterprise bargaining, at times adopt a generalised approach which precludes or at least limits their relevance and ability to explain small business choice at the industry and even organisational level. Such explanations cannot be detached from the external contextual framework in which an organisation operates and its own, often unique, strategic corporate response to the environmental influences which are challenging it. Labour flexibility vehicles including bargaining, if chosen to facilitate broader corporate strategies, can thereby, be regarded as functionally dependent upon and interactive with the corporate orientations and objectives of the organisation which in turn are environmentally influenced and shaped. The research principally provides a focused description and analysis of the experiences of Clothingco, a small, up market, vertically integrated clothing manufacturer and retailer, which has undergone various strategic readjustments at the corporate and industrial relations level throughout the 1990s, in response to externally driven pressures. The research presents firm evidence to suggest that Clothingco has selected its labour flexibility mechanisms so that they are consistent with and able to accomodate prevailing corporate strategies and orientations. Its strategic corporate readjustments throughout the 90s, which can be perceived as falling along the continuum of cost minimisation to productivity enhancement, have in particular registered differing choices with respect to labour flexibility vehicle and strategies. In the light of the findings, the research as a preferred labour flexibility vehicle at Clothingco. These are identified as: an increasing corporate focus towards cost minimisation throughout the 1990s, coupled with an inability by management to countenance union intervention in enterprise bargaining procedures. The interaction of both these factors, rendered enterprise bargaining from the point of view of management, both a strategically and industrially inferior labour flexibility vehicle to the use of contract labour. The research's strength lies in these areas which have been highlighted and which can be monitored and tested more comprehensively in future research. / Master of Commerce (Hons)

This research falls within the field of normative business ethics. Its aim is to examine the moral nature of the employment relationship in western democracies by examining the liberal, democratic justifications that are normally advanced for its probity. Its concern is to challenge the notion that the employment relationship is in conformity with these liberal democratic values. Thus, the research is an exercise in the examination of the application of the liberal, democratic tradition to the social institution of employment. Thus research examines areas of dissonance between the political relationship of employee � employer and the dominant values of the liberal tradition found elsewhere in western democracies. The research firstly identifies the key moral characteristics of the employment relationship in private, capitalist organisations. This is derived from a consideration of the development historically, of the employment relationship, with acknowledgement of the combined influences of statute, common law, contract law and custom in forming the current employee relationship. Secondly, the research identifies the justificatory arguments from the liberal tradition that are normally advanced in support of the employment relationship�s moral probity. These include notions of rights deriving from private property, the separation of social life into public and private spheres and the application of contract law to employment. Thirdly, the research examines these arguments for their moral probity. Specifically, this involves an examination of the arguments regarding the private property status of employing organisations, the application of contract law to employment, the moral characteristics of the master and servant relationship as a basis for employment and the relevance of democratic values within employment. As an additional perspective, the literature on human needs is reviewed as a source, outside of the liberal tradition, for a basis upon which to outline the moral requirements of human relationships to work.

Some industrial relations researchers have considered the meat processing industry as one of the more strike-prone industries in Australia. Many researchers have analysed this industry from either a political economy perspective or a union industrial relations perspective. This thesis acknowledges this body of literature, but takes as its focus the ways that employers have shaped the industry?s industrial relations. Employers, far from being reactive or even passive actors in shaping the industry?s industrial relations, have taken a long-term active role in this area. This thesis, therefore, focuses on an historical analysis of the changing roles of employers and employer associations in the industry?s industrial relations. This thesis will identify and link the relevant theoretical literature to the historical narrative, and then link this to actual events through three case studies analysing three exemplar employers. The findings of this thesis are that employers have had and made strategic choices about the industry?s industrial relations, at the workplace, industry and national-levels. The rise of AMH, which forms much of the second half of the narrative and analysis, shaped the industry?s industrial relations in ways not seen before in the Australian meat processing industry. Thus, the strategic choices on by many medium and larger meat-industry employers at the time, proved ineffective in the face of AMH?s success in driving down the cost of the wage-effort bargain, rendering many uncompetitive on both the input and output sides of the product market.

The historiography of Australian racism has principally "blamed" the labour movement for the existence of the White Australia policy and racist responses to the presence of migrant workers. This study argues that the motivations behind ruling class agitation for the White Australia policy have never been satisfactorily analysed. To address this omission, the role of the Returned and Services League of Australia (RSL) in race relations is examined. As an elite-dominated, cross-class organisation with links to every section of society, it is argued that the RSL was a significant agitator for migrant exclusion and white unity in the interwar period. The thesis employs case studies, oral history and qualitative assessment of various written sources, such as newspapers, archival records and secondary material, in order to plot the dynamics of racist ideology in two major mining centres in the interwar period. The results suggest that, although labour organisations were influenced by racist ideas and frequently protested against the presence of migrant workers, it was also true that mining employers had a material interest in sowing racial division in the workplaces they controlled. The study concludes that labour movement responses to migrant labour incorporated a range of different strategies, from demands for racist exclusion to moves towards international solidarity. It also reveals examples of local and migrant workers living, working, playing and striking together in ways that contradict the dominant view of perpetual tension between workers of different nationalities. Lastly, the case studies demonstrate that local employers actively encouraged racial division in the workplace as a bulwark against industrial militancy.

The small business sector has become an increasingly important segment of the Australian economy since the 1970s. Industrial relations in the sector have been assumed to be harmonious. However, to a large extent this belief about industrial relations is based on conventional wisdom rather empirical evidence. Industrial relations research in Australia has concentrated on medium to large businesses because the centralised nature of the industrial relations system encouraged a collective emphasis. This collective emphasis ensured peak representative bodies and larger organisations had a tendency to dominate while small enterprises and their employees were, to a large extent, excluded. The perceived non-problematic nature of industrial relations in the small business sector was another reason for the lack of focus on the sector. The low incidence of strike activity and the low levels of trade union membership have meant research has been concentrated on the more "difficult" areas of industrial relations. The lack of empirical research into industrial relations in the sector is an important shortcoming. There are a number of commentators who suggest that it is too simplistic to assume harmonious relations. It is likely that there is a range of industrial relations in small business, depending on a number of variables including the personality of the owner/manager and employees, the type of business and the current economic climate. The legislative framework will also have an important affect on industrial relations. This study addresses the lack of empirical research in industrial relations in the small business sector by examining the differences between small and large registered clubs in NSW. Registered clubs have an unusual ownership structure and unusual business goals. They are also unusual since they are non-profit organisations formed by groups of people who share a common interest and who have come together to pursue or promote that interest. Registered clubs are governed by a board of directors who are responsible for the formulation of policy and for ensuring that management carries out these policies. This study found that there were significant differences in regards to some aspects of employment relations. For example, small clubs were more likely to have lower rates of unionisation than large clubs. They were also likely to have lower levels of informal bargaining than large clubs. The methods of communication within the workplace were likely to be more informal in small clubs and they were less likely to have communications with a trade union. Despite this greater degree of informality in employment relations, small clubs were more likely to use award provisions to determine wages for their managers and employees. Interestingly, despite the lower level of unionisation and the greater use of awards by smaller clubs there were no significant differences between small and large club managers' perception of the impact of awards and trade unions on club flexibility. The findings from this study suggest the deregulation of the Australian industrial relations system may not have any significant benefits for small business.

This thesis examines the influence of compulsory state arbitration and wages board systems on workplace industrial relations. Using an historical and comparative case study approach, the thesis researches workplace industrial relations at three firms operating in the metal industry between 1900 and 1929. A political economy perspective is employed to examine the interaction of institutional stnictures and economic and political processes in the regulation of the wage-effort bargain at the workplace. Key concepts are drawn from both mainstream industrial relations theory, in particular the Oxford School approach, and labour process theory. Drawing on the work of flanders, a distinction is made between the economic and political aspects of the wage-effort bargain through the differentiation of market relations and managerial relations. This thesis argues that arbitral and wages board systems interacted with a range of factors to shape and influence workplace industrial relations. In keeping with the political economy perspective, the thesis examines the economic, industry, technological, political, and institutional environment within which the three cases operated, identifying changes and trends in these factors during the period under review and their implications for workplace industrial relations. The three cases allowed a closer examination of the influence of these general trends on the development of workplace industrial relations. The cases demonstrate the diversity of the metals sector, each representing a different industry in that sector. Further, the cases differed in their geographic and jurisdictional location, allowing comparisons between Victoria and New South Wales to be made. An examination of the role of arbitral tribunals and wages boards argues that the tribunals used their ability to regulate and stabilise market relations to offset their intervention in managerial relations. In this respect the tribunals sought to engineer changes in managerial relations favourable to industry development and yet simultaneously obtain support from the unions through improvements in market relations. As a consequence of these conflicting objectives the tribunals often behaved in a contradictory manner. In addition, unintended consequences often flowed from tribunal regulation and were important in shaping events at the workplace. Thus while industrial tribunals sought to improve market relations, they inadvertently assisted workers to gain more influence over managerial relations. In each case the workplace was the site of much regulatory activity, whether initiated by management, unions or workers. However, the three cases each present a different pattern of workplace industrial relations in terms: of scope of regulation at the workplace; the role of unions; the nature of managerial strategy; the role of unions; and the implementation and enforcement of tribunals decisions. Moreover, the effect of arbitration and wages board systems at each workplace varied, with the influence of a particular matrix of industry, economic, technological and institutional conditions shaped at the workplace.

This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.

The McDonald's model of labour management has been widely adopted throughout the fast food industry. Literature that is critical of fast food labour management policy and practice often portrays employers as offering work that is low paid, unchallenging and uninteresting. However, others argue that the industry provides young workers with: a first resume entry, training opportunities, the chance to develop a career and a path into employment. This study interprets these two perspectives as reflecting either misalignment or alignment of employee/crew and employer preferences. Such an interpretation recognises that fast food work does not represent a career for many who do it but is short term or 'stop-gap' in nature. The study's research question is: to what extent does management preference for elements of work align with the preferred working arrangements of crew at McDonald's Australia? This research subjects McDonald's Australian stores to independent scrutiny. Previous research in this area has mostly used qualitative methods. Earlier studies, by and large, provide descriptive accounts of fast food employment however they often lack the rigour of an empirical investigation. The present research uses a structured survey method to obtain data from crew and managers. Results are analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics. Findings focus on three areas of labour management: industrial relations, work organisation and human resource management. Several themes relating to alignment of preferences in the fast food employment relationship are identified. These are: crew have scant knowledge of industrial relations, do not like aspects of work organisation, but respond positively to certain human resource management policies and practices; crew lack knowledge of labour management issues generally; crew work is simple and repetitive; and, many young crew seem to dislike aspects of fast food work as they get older but others, who have distinctive characteristics, appear to continue to like the McDonald's approach as they age.

This thesis examines and explains the development of the KEF between its formation in 1970 and 2003. Using a historical and case study approach, the thesis analyses the strategic behaviours of the KEF. The guiding questions shaping this thesis are drawn from the intersection of resource dependence theory and the literature on employer associations. In response to these questions, chronological narrative explains the development of Korea's political economy and industrial relations between 1970 and 2003 as it affected the KEF. It pays particular attention to the growth of the chaebols -- family-owned and controlled business conglomerates -- as political as well as economic forces, their changing relations with government and their labour management strategies. This thesis argues that when Korea's chaebol owners formed their association, the KEF, they did so in the absence of immediate clear or concrete challenges to their business interests. Instead, they evaluated the likelihood of some future external challenges and chose to act on these perceptions. In particular, they strategically chose to prepare for the possible re-emergence of an independent labour movement many years into the future rather than trust forever in governments? repressive systems of labour control. Resource dependence theory proved useful for examining the KEF's internal dynamics. The KEF and its chaebol members were linked through asymmetric inter-dependence. The chaebols dominated KEF membership, took financial responsibility for KEF operations and formally ruled through its governance structure. The KEF's high dependence on the chaebols inhibited any shift away from its chaebol-dominated profile. This also meant that the KEF leadership found it extremely difficult to exert control over member firms' behaviour. However, as the relationship between the chaebols and their external environment changed, internal power resources (industrial relations expertise) and external ones (a militant union movement, tripartite arrangements) helped the KEF Secretariat increase its authority. This allowed it to achieve greater discretionary power in its internal and external domains.