Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T04:46:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raslan_FilipeOliveira_D.pdf: 17758982 bytes, checksum: 82b2fffc23423e2c925a15c4f7507c42 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Essa tese busca analisar o processo de reestruturação produtiva contemporâneo, como um conjunto de mudanças nas relações entre as empresas, a classe trabalhadora e o Estado, reflete o âmbito organizacional do trabalho, imantando-se numa fase específica de recomposição das formas da acumulação capitalista. A modernização levada ao cabo pela reestruturação produtiva da década de 1990 em Nova Serrana fez com que a indústria de calçados racionalizasse a exploração do trabalho, recompondo formas da acumulação antes dispersas, reinventando as bancas de pesponto. Tomando como ponto de partida a reestruturação produtiva como processo histórico no contexto do desenvolvimento do capitalismo no Brasil, buscou-se compreender as diversas nuances da informalidade, tais como a feminização do trabalho domiciliar remunerado, o trabalho infanto-juvenil, dentre outros elementos presentes nas práticas diárias dos trabalhadores e como estes têm enfrentado a crise de emprego nos setores produtivos iniciada na década de 1990 com a abertura econômica. Para tanto, foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com operários das bancas de pesponto na cidade, utilizando como caminho metodológico a pesquisa explicativa. Os resultados apontam para um cenário em que a informalidade nas bancas de pesponto da indústria calçadista em Nova Serrana como figura imanente à acumulação flexível do capitalismo contemporâneo se reflete no processo de reestruturação produtiva, ao mesmo tempo em que o reverbera / Abstract: This thesis looks to analyze the contemporary process of productive restructuring, as a set of changing relationships between companies, the working class and the state, reflects the organizational scope of work, attracting a specific phase of restoration of the forms of capitalist accumulation. The modernization carried out by the productive restructuring of the 1990s in Nova Serrana made the shoe industry rationalize the exploitation of labor, rebuilding forms of accumulation and reinventing the home workshops. Taking as its starting point the productive restructuring as a historical process in the development of capitalism in Brazil, we tried to understand the various nuances of informality, such as the feminization of home paid work, child and youth work, among other elements present in daily practices of workers and how they have faced the crisis of employment in productive sectors starting in the 1990s with the economic opening. To this end, semi-structured interviews with workers of the workshops in the city, using the explanatory methodological research approach. The results point to a scenario in which informality in the home workshops in the footwear industry in Nova Serrana as inherent to flexible accumulation of contemporary capitalism figure which is reflected in the restructuring process / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

M.Com. (Business Management) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This thesis is focused on informal sector establishments in Kenya and how they contributes to employment creation, income generation and economic development. The research examines how the informal sector has developed between the years 1986-1989. The study indicates that the informal sector can absorb those people who are unemployed and cannot find jobs in the formal sector. The first chapter describes the definition and interpretation of the informal sector. The discussion of the related .literature, development of the informal sector, politics of the urban informal sector and controversies are described in chapter II. Chapter III describes the regional and sectoral analysis in employment generation. Chapter IV focuses on projections and promotion policies. Concluding remarks and the importance of the informal sector are represented in chapter V.

The informal economic sector is a very important part of the economy for any developing country; it is a growing employment sector for the less skilled people living in both rural and urban areas. Organizing the informal sector and reorganizing its role as a profitable activity may contribute to local economic development. This can also build the capacity of the informal workers to meet their basic needs by increasing their incomes and strengthening their legal status. Municipal support for the informal business sector may play an important role in achieving these objectives. The problem statement of this research report highlights the problems of poverty and unemployment in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, which has resulted in the growth of informal business sector. In order to improve economic development, local authorities are expected to give support to any sector that provides employment and incomes for the poor, including the informal sector. The overall aim and objectives of the research were to investigate the role of Local Economic Development strategies in the informal sector in Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. To discover whether there is any support programme employed by Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality Local Economic Development Unit to boost the informal sector economy. To, assess the impact of the informal sector, in generating income for the unemployed. To identify Local Economic strategies employed in the area to develop the local economy. An overview of the literature on the informal sector provided a basis for the research into the problems facing street traders in Mdantsane, a large township adjacent to East London in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods have been used in the study. The use of data collection tools such as interviews, questionnaires and observation helped to solicit the required information. An analysis of the findings confirmed that the informal sector plays an important role in in generating an income for the unemployed particularly for unemployed women. It appears that the informal traders have some basic requirements that would make a difference to their survival and working conditions, but that minimal support is received from the municipality. These findings recommend that in the absence of formal job opportunities in Buffalo City, the Municipality should develop strategies to support the informal sector participants to survive and thrive in difficult economic times.

The informal economy in South Africa and other parts of the continent is a safe haven for many who are unable to find jobs in the formal sector of the economy. In the case of South Africa, it is not only the nationals of the country who are striving to survive and generate their income from this sector. Since 1994, the country has experienced a huge influx of immigrants from other parts of the continent some escaping from dire living conditions in their home countries and looking for better life opportunities while many others were forced to migrate from their own countries as a result of political unrest and lack of stability and security. Among these later example is the Somali community who are the subject matter of this study. Many of these mainly African immigrants including Somalis got involved themselves in the informal sector of the South Africa. This has increased the competition in this sector and caused clashes between South Africans and immigrants who were also involved in the sector. This study examines the involvement of the Somali immigrants in South Africa’s informal sector. The study is exploratory in nature and tried to find the surrounding factors that impacted on the involvement of Somalis in the informal economy of Motherwell. The study has found that Somalis who arrived in Motherwell are generally young unmarried men who were attracted to the area mainly because there were affordable business opportunities in the township. Somalis financed their businesses through various resources including their savings from working while working inside and outside South Africa and from the contributions by their families and friends. Despite facing high levels of crime where many Somalis were killed and their property looted, they are still determined to stay in the township. This can be shown by their high level of savings and their intention to invest in the township. Although this research does not aim to be comparative in nature, personal and business characteristics of Somalis as well as South Africans who are also involved in the sector vii were compared. Because of this comparison, it has became clear that though price is an important factor in the business competition between the two groups, it is not the only factor, neither the most important, that creates friction and the shift of loyalty of customers from one side to another. Quality of service, the number of the people working in the business, responsibility towards the area the business serves, the strictness or the leniency towards customers who want to buy but are short of money and many other factors created a friendly atmosphere between the businesses run by the Somalis and their customers. The study showed that some of the Somali as well South African business owners were of this view. Although the vast majority of the Somalis have a minimum level of education, they still contribute positively to the economy of the township and the greater Nelson Mandela Bay. This is done through renting business premises, paying both direct and indirect taxes and taking the business services to remote areas of Motherwell. The study suggests that there is a need to sooth the relationship between the two groups particularly between Somalis and South Africans who are involved in grocery businesses through meetings, seminars, and other get-together activities. This can be done by South African Police Service, Somali Association of South Africa in Korsten, community elders from both sides and other concerned government institutions as well as the academic institutions particularly Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. The business skills of both groups need to be uplifted in order to maximise their profitability and contribution to the people in the area.

The commercialisation of natural resources such as medicinal plants is a strategy that is increasingly being employed by poor people in developing countries such as South Africa, as a means of generating an income. Increasing economic hardship and a lack of employment opportunities in the formal sector of the economy has led to many urban dwellers seeking alternative means of meeting their everyday livelihood needs. Although the contribution of natural resources to subsistence economies is widely recognised, there are few studies that have examined the significance of the trade in medicinal plants to the livelihoods of poor and marginalised people. Thirty informal street traders were interviewed to investigate the role of the medicinal plant trade in sustaining the livelihoods of the traders who operate in the informal sector of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, South Africa. The findings of the research indicate that the sale and collection of medicinal plants is an activity which is exploited by people with limited resources, few skills, little or no education and often without any other source of household income. Middle-aged women from impoverished, single income households dominated the trade. Although income from the trade is modest, it contributed substantially to the total household cash income of the traders. Other benefits of the trade included independence and having a sense of purpose in life, as the traders felt that they were not only helping their families but also the wider community. However, without the income from the trade, many of the traders and their families would be destitute and thus the medicinal plant trade is vital to the wellbeing of these people.

The Nelson Mandela Bay area will be used to investigate the ethical and moral considerations faced by the informal sector. It is generally believed that informal sector businesses are characterised by high levels of unethical behaviour. The informal economy in many developing and under developed countries is large in terms of contribution to GDP and number of participants. The informal economy is largely composed of very small businesses that are not registered. They are not operating from suitable premises but run from homes, street pavements and other informal arrangements. In developing countries, self-employment has a greater share of informal employment than wage employment. It represents 70 percent of informal employment in Sub-Saharan Africa (if South Africa is excluded, the share is 81 percent), 62 percent in North Africa, 60 percent in Latin America and 59 percent in Asia. Consequently, informal wage employment in the developing world constitutes 40 percent of the informal employment outside of agriculture (Becker, 2004). The informal economy is as high as 56 percent of GDP in countries such as Georgia, Zimbabwe and Bolivia, where as it represents about 8 to 12 percent of economic activity in advanced or developed economies (Becker, 2004). In South Africa, informal businesses provide a viable alternative for many who are unable to find jobs in the formal sector of the economy.

Orientadores: Ana Lucia Gonçalves da Silva, Marcelo Weishaupt Proni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T17:26:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_TacianaSantosde_M.pdf: 2541779 bytes, checksum: 331aa884dd26acfc91be74089a39c219 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O campo denominado Economia das Drogas engloba complexas relações sociais que consolidam um vigoroso processo de acumulação de capital. Esse setor apresenta especificidades atreladas à clandestinidade, particularidades associadas a cada mercadoria e semelhanças a outras indústrias e setores da economia formal. Esse tema é estudado na presente dissertação, que tem por objetivo contribuir para explicar as razões pelas quais as políticas de proibição às drogas não conseguem cessar este mercado. Para isso, realizou-se o estudo das mercadorias, dos mercados e dos principais atores, bem como da dinâmica e da lógica inerente ao narconegócio, sendo utilizadas referências bibliográficas, avaliações empíricas (apoiadas em estimativas e dados disponibilizados pelo Escritório de Drogas e Crimes da Organização das Nações Unidas ¿ UNODC) e associações das informações disponíveis sobre o narconegócio com teorias e conceitos da abordagem econômica heterodoxa. Os principais resultados mostraram que a demanda global por drogas tem permanecido estável, que as políticas de repressão não cessam o cultivo e a produção, apenas provocam mudanças e deslocamentos entre regiões, e que os preços dos psicoativos têm diminuído nas últimas duas décadas. Concluiu-se que o mercado de drogas ilegais apresenta características próximas às de setores do tipo oligopólio competitivo, mas com altas margens de lucro de longo prazo possibilitadas pelo caráter ilícito e restritas às "empresas" líderes, que adotam como estratégias a flexibilidade e a coerência, destacando-se pela capacidade e velocidade de adaptar-se e de inovar. Finalmente, ressalta-se que a inovação não configura apenas uma vantagem competitiva, mas simboliza a condição de existência do mercado de drogas, contemplando o permanente processo de "destruição criadora" de Schumpeter / Abstract: The field said Economy of Drugs covers complex social relations that consolidates an intense process of capital accumulation. This sector features specificities linked to underground, particularities associated to each product and similarities to other industries and sectors of the formal economy. This subject is studied in this dissertation, that has as goal to help explain the reasons which the anti-drugs policies can¿t cease this market. For that, a study of the products, the market and of the main actors was held, as well as the dynamics and logic inherent to the drugs business, it uses references, empiric evaluations (supported by estimates and data supplied by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime ¿ UNODC) and information associations available about the drugs business with theories and concepts of the heterodoxy economic approach. The main results showed that the global demand for drugs remained stable, that the repressive policies did not cease the cultivation and production, it just caused changes and relocation between regions, and that the prices of the psychoactive has declined in the last two decades. It follows that the illegal drugs market present characteristics close to sectors like oligopoly competitive, but with high profit margins for a long term enabled by the illicit character and restricted to leading "enterprises", that adopt as strategies flexibility and coherence, standing out by its capacity and speed to adapt and innovate. Finally, it highlights that innovation not only sets up a competitive advantage, but symbolize the condition of existence of the drugs market, contemplation the permanent process of "creative destruction" of Schumpeter / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestra em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Bibliography: leaves 158-162.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Zimbabwean cities have been experiencing wide-ranging economic restructuring since independence in 1980. The relationships between the declining formal economy and the growing informal economy concomitant with political and economic ideological shifts over the years have not been studied extensively and are not well understood. In this study the impact of political and economic ideological shifts on the growth, spatial and structural linkages between the two sectors over the three decades, from 1981-2010, in the country’s two main cities, Harare and Bulawayo, is investigated. Mixed-method approaches were applied to gather spatial, quantitative and qualitative data. Geospatial data were created using 1164 and 857 geographical positioning system locational points of informal economic enterprises in Harare and Bulawayo respectively. Maps of the two cities were scanned, georeferenced, projected and digitised. Longitudinal and crosssectional data were gathered from archival sources and through 300 and 600 questionnaire surveys of formal and informal economic operators respectively. Qualitative data was generated from 30 interviews that were conducted with professionals that influence the operations of the two sectors. The data were analysed using GIS, SPSS and Statistica software to reveal the temporal growth of the two sectors, as well as their spatial and structural linkages. It was found that the informal sector grew by 17% under the socialist policies of the 1980s. This increase was partly attributable to overurbanisation because the urban labour force increased at an average of 3% per annum compared to the formal economic sector that generated employment at an average of only 2.2% per annum throughout the 1980s. The shifts toward neo-liberal economic policies at the beginning of the 1990s resulted in immense retrenchments, forcing many workers to join the informal sector. As formal firms adjusted their operations to fight global competition, employment generation declined to an average of 1% per annum throughout the1990s. The informal sector responded by employing 61% of the labour force by 2001. The adoption of authoritarian policies at the beginning of the 2000s accelerated the decline of the formal economy which recorded negative growths for most of the first decade of the millennium. This led to the rapid rise of informal sector employment to an astronomic level of 87.8% in 2008. The investigation revealed substantial locational transformations of both formal and informal economic enterprises. During the 30-year period, informal economic businesses spread in low-income suburbs, city centres and neighbourhood and district shopping centres. 16.3% of formal economic enterprises left the city centres preferring secure medium density suburbs close to the CBDs, shopping complexes, industrial, office and business parks on the edges of the cities. 83.7% remained in the city centres and industrial centres where informalisation of operations was one of the strategies employed to fight competition, whilst 86.3% and 22.8% informal economic enterprises licensed and registered their operations respectively over the 30 year period. These spatial and structural changes resulted in linkages being formed between the two sectors. The nature of the linkages is largely influenced by the position of the informal businesses on a continuum of informal enterprises ranging from traditional, through transitional to semi-formal. It was found that traditional and transitional enterprises had strong backward linkages with formal businesses where they purchase their goods and raw materials. Forward linkages exist where semi-formal businesses sell furniture, building materials and clothing to formal businesses. Thus, a symbiosis exists, but linkages are very exploitative as formal businesses tend to dictate the terms of business. The reciprocal-supportive model was extended by adding four pillars that influence the operations of the two sectors to produce a differential complexity model of informalisation (DCMI). The reasons or causes of informalisation (RE); the subsectors that comprise the two sectors (SE); the various locations of the two sectors’ businesses (L); and the levels of formality and informality (Ls) are integrated in the DCMI to aid comprehension of the linkages between the two sectors. The model can be adjusted and applied to various urban settings, allowing for the development of the two sectors spatially, structurally and temporally. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se stede is sedert die land se onafhanklikheidswording in 1980 aan omvattende ekonomiese herstrukturering onderworpe. Samelopend met die kwynende formele ekonomie was daar groei en ruimtelike en strukturele veranderings in die informele sektor. Die reaksies van die twee ekonomiese sektore op die politieke en ekonomies-ideologiese verskuiwings gedurende die eerste drie dekades na onafhanklikheid, is nog nie omvattend bestudeer nie en word tot nog toe nie goed verstaan nie. In hierdie studie word hierdie verwantskappe in Zimbabwe se twee hoofstede, Harare en Bulawayo, bestudeer. ‘n Gemengde-metode benadering word gevolg om ruimtelike, kwantitatiewe en kwalitatiewe data in te samel. Georuimtelike data is met behulp van ‘n geografiese posisioneringsisteem, skandering, geoverwysing, projektering en versyfering van kaarte van die twee stede geskep. Kwantitatiewe longitudinale-en dwarsprofieldata is verkry uit argiefbronne en deur middel van vraelysopnames onder formele en informele handelaars. Onderhoude met professionele persone wat die werking van die twee sektore beïnvloed, het kwalitatiewe data gelewer. Die data is met GIS- en SPSSsagteware ontleed om die groei van die twee sektore oor tyd, en hulle ruimtelike en strukturele skakels bloot te lê. Daar is gevind dat die informele sektor met 17% gegroei het onder die sosialistiese beleid van die 1980s. Hierdie toename kan gedeeltelik aan oorverstedeliking toegeskryf word omdat die stedelike arbeidsmag met ‘n gemiddelde van 3% jaarliks toegeneem het in vergelyking met die formele sektor wat werksgeleenthede slegs teen 2.2% jaarliks gedurende die 1980s gegenereer het. Verskuiwings na neoliberale ekonomiese beleid teen die begin van die 1990s het grootskaalse afdankings tot gevolg gehad, wat baie werkers gedwing het om by die informele sektor aan te sluit. Namate formele ondernemings aanpassings gemaak het om die stryd te voer teen globale kompetisie, het werkverskaffing gedaal tot ‘n gemiddelde van 1% jaarliks gedurende die 1990s. Die informele sektor het gereageer deur om in 2001 61% van die arbeidsmag te huisves. Die aanvaarding van outoritêre beleid teen die begin van die 2000s het die kwyn van die formele ekonomie verhaas, met die gevolg dat negatiewe groeikoerse gedurende die meeste van die eerste dekade van die millennium ervaar is. Dít het aanleiding gegee tot ‘n snelle toename in indiensneming in die informele sector, tot ‘n astronomiese 87.8% in 2008. Die ondersoek bring aansienlike liggingstransformasies van formele en informele besighede te vore. Gedurende die drie dekades (1981 tot 2010) het die informele ondernemings na lae-inkomste woonbuurte, middestede, en buurt- en distrikswinkelsentra versprei. Sommige formele ondernemings het weggetrek uit die middestede na fabrieks-, kantoor- en sakeparke in die randgebiede van die twee stede. Sommige formele ondernemings wat in die middestede aangebly het, het hulle sake geïnformaliseer om kompetisie te bestry en informele ondernemings het hulle sakestrukture deur lisensiëring en registrasie aangepas. Hierdie strukturele wysigings het wisselwerking tussen die twee sektore laat ontstaan. Die aard van die wisselwerking word beïnvloed deur die posisie wat die informele ondernemings beklee op ‘n kontinuum van ondernemings wat strek van tradisioneel deur oorgangstipes tot by semi-informeel. Daar is gevind dat die meeste informele handelaars en produsente hulle verkoopsware en grondstowwe by leweransiers in die formele sektor verkry. Verkoopskakels bestaan waar informele vervaardigers meubels, boustowwe en klerasie aan formele ondernemings voorsien. Dus bestaan daar ‘n simbiose, maar die skakels neig om uitbuitend te wees want die formele ondernemings dikteer dikwels besigheidsvoorwaardes. Die wederkerige-ondersteunende model is uitgebrei deur die byvoeging van vier pilare, wat die handelinge van die twee sektore beïnvloed, om ‘n differensiële kompleksiteitsmodel van informalisasie (DKmI) tot stand te bring. Die redes vir, of oorsake van informalisering (RE); die subsektore waaruit die twee sektore bestaan (SE); die verskeie liggings van die twee sektore se besighede (L); en die vlakke van formaliteit en informaliteit (Ls) is geïntegreer in die DKmI om begrip van die skakels tussen die twee sektore te bevorder. Die model is aanpasbaar en toepasbaar in verskeie stedelike omgewings om ontwikkeling van die twee ekonomiese sektore ruimtelik, struktureel en temporeel moontlik te maak.