Why did EC enlargement negotiations with Spain take so long? This thesis argues that agricultural issues dominated negotiations despite the political and strategic aims of stabilizing Western Europe's southern flank that underpinned the raison d'être of this enlargement. The framework of Historical New Institutionalism is used to argue that several 'biases' operating at three levels account for the length and nature of these negotiations. At the first level, the 'bilateral' format of the negotiation procedure between Spain and the EC favoured existing EC members and protected the acquis communautaire. The Community's negotiating positions, as bargains in themselves, tended to be inflexible, and reduced Spain's input in the discussions and in the agenda-setting process. At the EC level, the CAP exhibited an unusual capacity to withstand the changes required by enlargement. This was because the EC's decisionmaking structure was fragmented into sectors and levels which allowed a closely knit 'policy community' to run the CAP in a way that was relatively insulated from other issue-areas. Change in the CAP occurred to cope with enlargement, but in a path-dependent way, passing the cost of adaptation on to Spain. At the national level, member states' so-called national interests with regard to enlargement were mixed, with no clear priority, and conflicting sectoral views. This resulted from the mechanisms of interest intermediation and inter-departmental co-ordination, which shaped the formulation and representation of national views in Brussels. Spain's accession was finally made possible when new redistributive policies for the Mediterranean and fresh budgetary resources were agreed. These were approved as part the wider package-deals surrounding the Single Market project and the Single European Act. HNI provides a new and persuasive framework with which to understand the difficulties of institutional change associated with enlargement negotiations.

La Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne a acquis une force juridique contraignante depuis l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne. Les institutions européennes et les Etats membres lorsqu’ils mettent en oeuvre le droit de l’Union européenne sont donc liés par ses dispositions. Mais les autorités publiques ne devraient pas être les seules à être soumises au respect des droits et libertés qu’elle garantit. En effet, les particuliers, parce qu’ils peuvent, à l’instar des pouvoirs publics, attenter aux droits primordiaux de leurs semblables, devraient également être tenus de respecter cet instrument juridique lorsqu’ils se trouvent placés dans une situation régie par le droit de l’Union européenne. Autrement dit, la Charte des droits fondamentaux devrait déployer des effets juridiques dans le cadre des relations de droit privé lorsqu’il existe un lien de rattachement avec le droit de l’Union européenne. Cet effet horizontal permettrait ainsi aux particuliers de jouir effectivement des droits et libertés consacrés par la Charte. On attend donc des autorités publiques, conformément à leurs obligations positives, qu’elles protègent les droits que les particuliers tirent de cet instrument juridique. La reconnaissance de l’effet réflexe de la Charte des droits fondamentaux aura ainsi pour conséquence de créer des obligations tant pour les institutions européennes et les Etats membres que pour les personnes privées. / The Charter of fundamental rights has acquired a binding legal force since the coming into effect of the Treaty of Lisbon. Hence, the institutions of the European Union and member states when they implement the law of the European Union are bound by the provisions of the Charter. But the addressees of this legal instrument should not be only public authorities. Individuals, whenever it could impinge on freedoms and basic rights, should be subject, to compliance with the Charter when the matter falling the scope of EU law. In other words, the Charter of fundamental rights should have legal effects in private law relations when there is a connecting link to EU law. Horizontal effect would allow individuals to have full enjoyment of rights enshrined in the Charter. Public authorities must therefore, in keeping with their positive obligations, protect the rights derive from the provisions of this legal instrument. Therefore, the recognition of horizontal effect of the Charter will create obligations for both institutions of European Union and member states and private persons.