Localizado no âmbito temático dos estudos acerca do pensamento brasileiro em interface com a sociologia da cultura e dos intelectuais, o presente trabalho investiga a atuação política tanto teórica quanto prática de Antonio Candido, no período anterior à sua migração institucional da sociologia para as letras e posterior consagração como intelectual. Em especial, busca-se investigar o modo original e profícuo com que ele procurou reconciliar socialismo e democracia, bem como militância política e estudo acadêmico, num momento histórico em que esses elementos lhe apareciam como pares contraditórios e em realidade concreta diversa da que serviu de base para o desenvolvimento da matriz teórica europeia na qual sua geração fora formada. Para tanto, examinam-se textos publicados pelo autor no período e também a bibliografia a respeito das iniciativas culturais e políticas de que ele fez parte à época para fins de contextualização. Com isso, pretende-se demonstrar como o autor encontrou soluções que lançaram as bases para uma orientação possível da ação política da fração de classe social com a qual se identificava, a pequena e média burguesia de intelectuais e artistas comprometidos com valores de igualdade social. Essa plataforma, também denominada como radicalismo das classes médias, liga-se ao diagnóstico do autor sobre os obstáculos que o processo histórico brasileiro, de passado colonial, antepunha à modernização do país e à emancipação de seus grupos sociais dominados e visa, por meio da missão que atribuí ao intelectual, a favorecer a aliança política entre as classes médias e os grupos dominados como forma de realizar as transformações necessárias à construção de um Brasil mais moderno e igualitário. / In this work situated in the boundary between the thematic scope of the studies about the Brazilian thought and the Sociology of Culture and Intellectuals we investigate the Antonio Candidos political action, both in theoretical and practical perspectives, in the period anteceding his institutional migration from Sociology to Languages and his later consecration as an intellectual. Particularly, we seek to investigate the original and fruitful way by which the author tried to reconcile socialism and democracy, as well as political activism and academic study, in a historical moment when these elements appeared to him as contradictory pairs and in a concrete reality different from the one that served as basis for the development of the European theoretical matrix in which his generation had been formed. We examine texts published by the author in the period and also the bibliography regarding cultural and political initiatives of which he was part at the time for purposes of contextualization. We thus try to demonstrate how the author found solutions that laid the bases for a possible orientation of political action for the fraction of the social class with which he was identified, the small and middle bourgeoisie of intellectuals and artists committed with social equality. This platform, also called \"radicalism of the middle classes\", is linked to the author\'s diagnosis of the obstacles that the Brazilian historical process and its colonial past forefoot to the modernization of the country and to the emancipation of its dominated social groups. And it aims for favoring the political alliance between middle classes and dominated groups through the \"mission\" attributed to intellectuals as a way of making the necessary transformations for the construction of a more modern and egalitarian country in Brazil.

Localizado no âmbito temático dos estudos acerca do pensamento brasileiro em interface com a sociologia da cultura e dos intelectuais, o presente trabalho investiga a atuação política tanto teórica quanto prática de Antonio Candido, no período anterior à sua migração institucional da sociologia para as letras e posterior consagração como intelectual. Em especial, busca-se investigar o modo original e profícuo com que ele procurou reconciliar socialismo e democracia, bem como militância política e estudo acadêmico, num momento histórico em que esses elementos lhe apareciam como pares contraditórios e em realidade concreta diversa da que serviu de base para o desenvolvimento da matriz teórica europeia na qual sua geração fora formada. Para tanto, examinam-se textos publicados pelo autor no período e também a bibliografia a respeito das iniciativas culturais e políticas de que ele fez parte à época para fins de contextualização. Com isso, pretende-se demonstrar como o autor encontrou soluções que lançaram as bases para uma orientação possível da ação política da fração de classe social com a qual se identificava, a pequena e média burguesia de intelectuais e artistas comprometidos com valores de igualdade social. Essa plataforma, também denominada como radicalismo das classes médias, liga-se ao diagnóstico do autor sobre os obstáculos que o processo histórico brasileiro, de passado colonial, antepunha à modernização do país e à emancipação de seus grupos sociais dominados e visa, por meio da missão que atribuí ao intelectual, a favorecer a aliança política entre as classes médias e os grupos dominados como forma de realizar as transformações necessárias à construção de um Brasil mais moderno e igualitário. / In this work situated in the boundary between the thematic scope of the studies about the Brazilian thought and the Sociology of Culture and Intellectuals we investigate the Antonio Candidos political action, both in theoretical and practical perspectives, in the period anteceding his institutional migration from Sociology to Languages and his later consecration as an intellectual. Particularly, we seek to investigate the original and fruitful way by which the author tried to reconcile socialism and democracy, as well as political activism and academic study, in a historical moment when these elements appeared to him as contradictory pairs and in a concrete reality different from the one that served as basis for the development of the European theoretical matrix in which his generation had been formed. We examine texts published by the author in the period and also the bibliography regarding cultural and political initiatives of which he was part at the time for purposes of contextualization. We thus try to demonstrate how the author found solutions that laid the bases for a possible orientation of political action for the fraction of the social class with which he was identified, the small and middle bourgeoisie of intellectuals and artists committed with social equality. This platform, also called \"radicalism of the middle classes\", is linked to the author\'s diagnosis of the obstacles that the Brazilian historical process and its colonial past forefoot to the modernization of the country and to the emancipation of its dominated social groups. And it aims for favoring the political alliance between middle classes and dominated groups through the \"mission\" attributed to intellectuals as a way of making the necessary transformations for the construction of a more modern and egalitarian country in Brazil.

Orientador: Josianne Francia Cerasoli / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T04:05:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oliveira_FaygaMarcielleMadeirade_M.pdf: 1635143 bytes, checksum: 887f0d6ccb1d56c5d6be85051f0e2f7f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Este estudo investiga o debate entre Manoel Bomfim e Sílvio Romero, a partir das publicações dos livros dos autores, ambos chamados A América Latina (de 1905 e 1906). Visa à compreensão dos repertórios políticos e intelectuais mobilizados pelos autores e os projetos de nação que eles fundamentavam. Ademais, objetivou-se analisar o condensado conceitual compreendido na noção de América Latina para perceber como e por que este conceito funciona politicamente e quais os entendimentos possíveis dos intelectuais brasileiros no período sobre esta noção. Para tanto, além dos livros citados, pesquisou-se jornais e revistas, nacionais e estrangeiras, e correspondências entre dois importantes artífices da política externa no Brasil em plena vigência dos imperialismos, o ministro Barão do Rio Branco e o embaixador Joaquim Nabuco, a fim de problematizar os lugares-comuns presentes nas interpretações da contenda entre Bomfim e Romero e perceber a complexidade do conceito de América Latina além das marcantes imagens literárias representadas pelas personagens da peça shakespeariana A Tempestade / Abstract: This study investigates the debate between Manoel Bomfim and Silvio Romero from the publications of the authors¿ books, both called A América Latina (1905 and 1906). This is aimed at understanding the political and intellectual repertoires mobilized by the authors and the national projects from which they are based. Moreover, the objective was to analyze the conceptual condensate understood in the notion of Latin America to understand how and why this concept works politically and what are the possible understandings of Brazilian intellectuals in the period on this subject. Therefore, besides these books, it was researched newspapers and magazines, domestic and foreign, and matches between the two main architects of foreign policy in Brazil under full force of imperialisms, the minister Baron of Rio Branco and ambassador Joaquim Nabuco, to question the platitudes presented in the interpretations of the strife between Bomfim and Romero, and realize the complexity of the concept of Latin America beyond the striking literary images represented by the characters in the Shakespearean play The Tempest / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestra em História

En combinant une sociologie historique du politique et des rapports entre intellectuels et le champ politique, cette thèse revient sur la création et les quelques mois d’activité du Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Créé en février 1948 par des écrivains et journalistes, des parlementaires de la S.F.I.O. et des militants syndicalistes et politiques, le R.D.R. devait rassembler autour d’un discours de refus du positionnement en fonction de l’alternative entre les « blocs » atlantistes et soviétiques. Il s’agissait pour un certain nombre de ses membres exerçant une profession intellectuelle d’inventer une position au sein du champ politique.A partir d’une biographie collective du groupe, complétée par une sociographie, ce travail met en évidence les particularités sociales de son recrutement et les positions qu’occupaient ses membres en 1948. La perméabilité entre les champs politiques et de production des biens symboliques permet d’expliquer la tentation partisane collective au principe de la création du Rassemblement.L’étude précise de la mobilisation en train de se faire montre que les multiples tentatives d’institutionnalisation du groupe se heurtent finalement à l’impossible stabilisation d’un répertoire de l’action collective. Tout se passe comme si la mobilisation autour du R.D.R. n’était aboutit que pour ses membres intellectuels et qu’à défaut de constituer une entreprise politique légitime, ce parti avait surtout fonctionné comme un « intellectuel collectif ». La réinscription de l’engagement au sein du R.D.R. dans une histoire longue des rapports entre champ politique et de production des biens symboliques souligne comment la conjoncture spécifique allant de la libération du territoire au début de la « guerre froide » a rendu possible une telle tentative de subversion des frontières symboliques au sein du champ du pouvoir.En renonçant à une analyse univoque du RDR comme un « échec », ce sont les enjeux liés à l’intervention politique des intellectuels que ce travail donne à voir. / From a combination between historical sociology of politics and sociology of interaction between intellectuals and political field, this thesis looks back at the creation and the few months of existence of the Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Launched on February 1948 by authors, commentators, socialist parliamentarians and political and union activists, the R.D.R. aimed at rallying around the refusal of taking sides between soviet and Atlantic bloc. Based on a collective biography complemented by a statistic and sociographical approach, we brought to light the social particularity of its members as well as their respective status in 1948. Permeability between the political field and this of symbolic properties production, explains the collective partisan temptation underlying the R.D.R.’s creation. The thorough study of the mobilization in the process shows that the multiple attempts to institutionalize the group failed to stabilize a repertoire of contention. It is as if the R.D.R.’s mobilization was only efficient for its intellectual members and as if, instead of a political party, they only succeeded in creating a “collective intellectual”. Contextualizing the R.D.R. in an extensive history of the relationships between political and intellectual fields reveals how the specific situation between France's liberation and the “cold war” allowed such an attempt to overstep the symbolic boundaries within the field of power. Given up the exclusive approach of the R.D.R. as a failure, it is the matters related to the political involvement of intellectuals that this thesis unveils.