abstract: Ethno-nationalist politicians and criminals in Mostar espoused a discourse of ethno-exclusionist sociocultural relations as a superstructure for the public in order to establish ethnocratic kleptocracies where they concealed their criminal colonization of residential and commercial property through manipulating the pre-Bosnian War discourse on property relations. This is not to argue that some or most of these politicians and criminals did not believe in their virulent nationalist rhetoric, but instead that the effects of the discourse created well-used pathways to personal, not community, wealth. Elites used the Yugoslav economic crisis and perceived past grievance to enflame growing tensions between ethnicities and social classes. I use Mostar as an object of analysis to examine the creation of Bosnian Croat and Bosniak ethnocratic regimes in this divided city. However, I focus more on the Bosnian Croat regime in the city because it envisioned Mostar as its capital, making the city the site of its political competition among factions. Even though ethno-nationalist politicians and criminals still hold a level of power in Mostar, the IC did succeed in instituting a high level of property restitution, which does not necessarily imply return, because the IC was able to impose rule of law when it acted in an organized manner. Also, the ethnocratic regimes were weakened due to regional economic and political factors that undercut the regimes' hold over the population. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. History 2013

The integration of Ukrainian Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in host communities is as multi-dimensional as the political crisis of 2014 that led to the displacement. Having made a difficult choice to let go of their past lives to escape from the constant shelling and instability of the self-proclaimed republics, IDPs hoped to find shelter and be accepted by their fellow countrymen. While many surveys claim that Ukrainians generally seem to have tolerant attitudes towards IDPs, the findings of my study strongly indicate that quite often IDPs normalize stigmatization they face. This study employed qualitative research methods and relied on twenty-eight semi-structured in-depth interviews with internally displaced students – a group not often studied by researchers. Each interview explored issues relating to the identities of IDPs and their juxtaposition (Ukrainian, resettler and regional identity). Similar to other studies based on qualitative strategies, this research has its limitations, stemming from difficulties to extract opinions that would not be tainted by the desire to fit into a particular narrative or match perceived expectations. While researchers can attempt to remain unbiased and be aware of their subconscious beliefs, we cannot be certain that what interviewees share with us is what they sincerely believe. Nevertheless, taking into account these limitations, qualitative studies are essential for understanding the experiences of Ukrainian IDPs. While more research is needed to get to the roots of the issues surrounding the unique challenges of IDPs’ integration, this thesis makes a step to analyze what causes stigmatization of Ukrainian IDPs, how IDPs choose to respond to the stigma, what kind of strategies they use to manage it, how they interact with locals in the host communities and what are the consequences of such stigmatization. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第24366号 / 法博第289号 / 新制||法||178(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 濵本 正太郎, 教授 酒井 啓亘, 教授 鈴木 基史 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DFAM

The Syrian civil war and the subsequent displacement crisis it caused, changed the international community’s understanding of forced migration in the contemporary context. Even more than a decade after the conflict began, over half the population of Syria remains displaced indicating the continued importance of this crisis. The literature has overwhelmingly focused on those Syrians who crossed international borders. However, those who remain internally displaced, and the patterns that their displacement within Syria has taken, provide insightful information on the drivers of forced migration more widely. By looking at subnational variation in migration patterns, this study seeks to answer the question: what explains patterns of internal forced displacement within Syria? I argue that the patterns seen throughout the Syrian civil war are an outcome of state policies that push displacement in certain populations and regions of the country as a method of helping ensure regime victory. These tactics go beyond common decision-making explanations, putting culpability for displacement back onto government actors. A qualitative examination of strategies employed by the Syrian regime during the civil war as well as a spatial and temporal analysis of IDP movements within Syria between 2016 and 2019 show evidence for the tactics used by the regime that have driven Syrian internal displacement.

This thesis deals with Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) on global and local level. The researchquestion deals with the problems associated with IDPs - what challenges IDPs are facing and thefuture prospects for IDPs worldwide and on local level in the Samegrelo region in Georgia.The thesis is divided into two parts: In the first part I define the IDPs using the GuidingPrinciples on Internal Displacement, the critique towards the Guiding Principles and adescription of the vulnerability of IDPs worldwide. (Part 1, Chapter 1, Sections 1,2 and 3).I continue to describe the IDPs on local level, paying special attention to those in the Samegreloregion, in Georgia. In addition, I point at a delicate issue regarding ethnicity. Further, I providefigures on the IDP population, by showing the massive IDP movement in 1994 and 2008.Further, I use a description to the Indicators of Vulnerability with regards to integration of IDPs inthe region, and alongside with these indicators I contrast the content with the Government ofGeorgia Action Plan for the Implementation of the State Strategy for IDPs, and the Guiding Principleson Internal Displacement. (Chapter 2, Section 1,2 and 3).In the following chapter I define foreign aid as a tool of policy and I point out the absence ofearmarked Official Development Assistance (ODA) destined for IDPs, although there isearmarked ODA specified for Refugees according to ODA policy.ODA disbursements to Georgia indicate that a majority of the ODA is used as humanitarian aidand the traceable assistance directed to IDPs is predominantly humanitarian. (Chapter 3, Sections1 and 2).A brief overview explains the transition from early rural cooperatives in the West, to the NGOsoperating in post-Soviet states from early 1990s, within the sectors humanitarian anddevelopment assistance. Despite a long list with short-term hard and soft projects implementedby Local NGOs, the outcomes never reached sustainable levels. (Chapter 4, Section 1).Second part of the thesis encompass a case study of a development project I managed during aninternship at the Human Rights Center of Georgia. I describe the conduct of the project and howthe team, working together with young IDPs, achieved to formulate an idea for sustainableincome generation. I also present the technicalities and the process on how we negotiated toconvince the elder IDPs about cooperating with us on the idea and the project. I describe theprocess of renovating a food processing room at the collective center where the IDPs were living,and how this project was aborted due to lack of funds. (Part 2, Case study).

This study is focusing on the conflict-induced internally displaced Kurdish women&rsquo / s experiences. There has been an ongoing internal armed conflict in Turkey since 1984 and one of the consequences of this conflict is the internal displacement that occured in 1990s. In the displacement process, women and other family members were victimized. They did not only loose their homelands, but they also had to struggle in the city centers with poverty and discrimination. After they started to live in the city centers, women may become both marginalized and empowered. The aim of the study is to understand the situations that lead Kurdish women to be marginalized and/or empowered in the cities to which they have been forced to migrate. After the displacement process, which is one of the major victimization processes for these women, some of them may be trapped in ethnic and gender-based discrimination and may become more marginalized in the city centers. But marginalization and empowerment are not fixed categories and there is always a possibility for these women to transform their marginalized position into empowerment. By political engagement, working outside house and/or being head of the househod these women may break the cycle of their marginalization and becomes empowered in the city centers.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the rights of internally displaced persons as well as finding out whose responsibility it is to maintain these rights. The questions being answered are: what policies, laws and conventions are addressing internally displaced persons in Somalia (mainly from within Somalia, UN and AU)? And; which principal similarities and differences in these documents are to find regarding what type of protection internally displaced persons can get? Whose responsibility is it to intervene if these rights and rules are not maintained? To answer these questions I have used a liberal-universal theoretical framework. The analysis is a describing case study of comparative nature between the Provisional Somalia Constitution, UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement and the Kampala Convention. The result shows that there are many different rights of internally displaced persons in Somalia. Instead the problem seems to be based on the rights not being maintained in combination with the complex question of whose responsibility it is.

"The problem of displacement remains formidable, especially in Africa. It is exacerbated by Afirca's continuous conflicts and bad policies that are taken and effected in the name of development. Women and children remain the worst victims of internal displacement. This is so because in real life, women and children are vulnerable. Thus adding on internal displacement is too much for them. There is still no international enforceable mechanism by which the protection of the rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs), and in particular women and children, can be ensured. This leaves such rights at the mercy of the states within which the internal displacement occurs. ... Chapter 2 will comprise of analysis of who an IDP is and the magnitude of the problem of internal displacement in Uganda and the DRC. This will also entail identification of the causes of internal displacement in both countries. Chapter 3 will identify and critically analyse the rights of women and children as IDPs. This analysis will focus on the conditions prevailing in Uganda and the DRC. Chapter 4 will come up with detailed and comprehensive recommendations as to what can be done to attain the acknowledgement, protection and enforcement of the rights of women and children that arise out of internal displacement. Chapter 5 will have a suitable conclusion to the study. It will show whether the findings of the study prove its hypotheses." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Jean-Didier Boukongu and Dr. Atangcho Ndji Akonumbo at the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaounde, Cameroon / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"The rise in the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Sudan and Uganda is in no small part, due not only to states' incapacity to protect their own people, but also to a direct attack by states on selected communities, or on insurgent groups. In Sudan, there is a large amount of information pointing to the responsibility of the Sudanese government in the human rights violations committed against the IDPs in Darfur. In Uganda, the majority of the displaced harbour considerable anger towards the government for having forced them out of their homes and then being unable to protect and provide for them, and in many cases being guilty of violations of their rights. The problem is aggravated by the facts that IDPs have no specific set of international instruments or a Convention in their favour, and there is no dedicated UN agency to turn to. The concept of state sovereignty still takes centre stage, and IDPs remain under the 'protection' of their own states, which in many cases are responsible for their plight. International humanitarian assistance is limited to the provision of basic necessities like food, shelter and medicine, while measures that ensure respect for the physical safety and the human rights of IDPs remain inadequate. The Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement particularise general human rights principles to the situation of the internally displaced, however they have no binding authority, and therefore do not bind states, neither are they enforceable by the IDPs. Currently, reliance is placed upon international humanitarian law and the existing international human rights law, but international humanitarian law only applies in situations of armed conflict. Consequently, this study proceeds from the presumption that the governments of Sudan and Uganda have failed to protect the IDPs within their jurisdictions, hence the need for stronger international protection. The study is aimed at addressing the specific problem of the lack of adequate international human rights protection for the IDPs from the time of displacement, to the time displacement ends. Emphasis of the study is placed on displacements resulting from armed conflicts, because these are the most rampant and most problematic in Africa. Darfur and Northern Uganda are the particular focus of this study because they are the most affected regions in Africa today." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This research focuses on the role that International Human Rights Law, policy and legislation should play in the protection of the rights of internally displaced children against child marriage. This thesis examines international treaties and domestic laws that purport to prohibit the practice of child marriage with particular attention to laws relating to the protection of internally displaced children (IDPs). / Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law of the University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Lana Baydas at the Department of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt. 29 October 2007 / www.chr.up.ac.za / Centre for Human Rights / LLM