No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

The prevailing view in Scottish historical thinking is that the Catholic Irish in Scotland during the first half of the nineteenth century did not participate in strikes, trade unions or political movements with Scottish workers. This, it has been argued, was because they were despised by the Scots because of their race and religion and because they were employed mainly as strike-breakers or low wage labour. As a result the Catholic Irish formed a separate community in Scotland and were concerned mostly with issues concerning Catholics, the Catholic Church and Ireland. This thesis is concerned with the Irish in the west of Scotland during the period from c.1797 to 1848. It discusses the role of the Catholic Irish in the campaigns for Catholic Emancipation and repeal of the British-Irish Act of Union and demonstrates that their involvement in these agitations occurred despite the objections of the Scottish Catholic clergy. The thesis examines the various movements in the region for political reform and provides evidence of Irish, including Catholic Irish, involvement. Scottish reformers welcomed this Irish participation. Moreover, when the bulk of the Catholic Irish in Glasgow, and probably elsewhere in the region, eschewed involvement in Chartism between 1838 and 1842 the chartists tried in vain to persuade them to participate. The Irish Repeaters in Glasgow chose instead to campaign for the Six Points along with the Complete Suffragists. In 1848 the Repeaters and chartists in the west of Scotland finally formed an alliance. The thesis also investigates the issue of the Irish and industrial action in the region and shows that although some Irish workers were strike-breakers and low wage labour, others, most notably in cotton spinning, weaving and mining, were involved in strikes and trade unions to protect and improve their economic condition.

No description available.

Thesis advisor: Kevin Kenny / Between 1835 and 1893, the majority of immigrants who settled in Chicago were of Irish or German birth. Even though the city’s economic leaders’ plans to transform Chicago into a center of international trade required the labor of these immigrants, Irish and German Chicagoans were still the targets of nativism. They were not, however, merely objects of nativism; instead, they were able to challenge nativist-inspired policies and assumptions about the inability of immigrants to become loyal Americans. They demonstrated their allegiance to the U. S. through service in independent ethnic militias and challenged policies that they felt unfairly targeted them, such as temperance laws in the 1850s, militia laws in the 1870s, and educational policy in the 1880s. But after 1865, as Chicago industrialized, labor conflict grew. As a result, the success of immigrants’ efforts to demonstrate their allegiance or combat nativist-inspired policies relied on their willingness to distance themselves from radicalism. While pre-1860 immigrant groups had banded together based on ethnicity, and often courted the support of and shared membership with ethnic labor organizations, by the end of the 1880s the class issues that were dividing the city also divided Irish and German ethnic organizations. After an unknown assailant threw a bomb during a labor rally in 1886, causing widespread fear of social revolution, Irish- and German-American ethnic leaders made clear their rejection of radicalism in order to continue to demonstrate their allegiance to the U. S. and their embrace of social and political views acceptable to the city’s elite. Their rejection of radicalism was in one sense a retreat, but it also assured that they would continue to be part of the process of constructing modern Chicago. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

<p> During the English Revolution of the seventeenth century, writers like William Walwyn produced documents contesting the restriction of their liberties. This thesis is a critical edition of Walwyn&rsquo;s <i>Demurre to the Bill for Preventing the Growth and Spreading of Heresie,</i> unedited since its original publication in 1646. In this text Walwyn advocates for man&rsquo;s right to question religious orthodoxy in his search for Truth and urges Parliament not to pass a proposed <i>Bill</i> for the harsh punishment of religious sectarians. </p><p> Prior to a transcription of the text is an introduction to Walwyn and an attempt to situate the reader in the context of his time. Following that is a style and rhetorical analysis, which concludes that despite his rejection of rhetorical practices, Walwyn&rsquo;s own use of them is effective. Perhaps this skill is one of the reasons that Parliament passed a milder, non-punitive version of the <i>Bill</i> Walwyn argued against.</p><p>