The purpose of this work will be to trace the development from responsible scholasticism to irrational political violence, and to locate the various sources from which the intellectual acceptance of anti-humanitarian violence spring forth.

This thesis explores the early career of Eduardo Paolozzi (1924 – 2005), focusing in particular on his artworks of the 1940s and 1950s. Predominantly known for his post-World War Two activity as an eclectic artist, designer and pedagogue, Paolozzi emerged as an experimental alternative to the modernist formalism of Henry Moore’s generation and remains one of the acknowledged leaders of an artistic movement that helped invigorate the British art scene. The sheer volume and diversity of his creative output, however, its wide-ranging use of descriptive materials and profuse interests, has legitimised the now standard reception of his work as one of wilful, perhaps even whimsical, eclecticism. Thus, he has become simultaneously codified as British artist, child of Surrealism, and ‘father of Pop.’ The thesis presented here intends to offset the standard historiography of Paolozzi’s artistic development, employing instead an interpretation grounded in the artist’s Italian roots and which takes into consideration his exposure to wider avant-garde movements and trends. Such a re-evaluation enables sense to be made of the imagery and ideas present in his work, and gives shape to the superficial incoherence of the ‘fragmentary’ phases apparently marking his output. What emerges is an alternative trajectory, one that moves from the early collages, full of L'Esprit Nouveau and Futuristic enthusiasm for the New World, through his use of Greco-Roman art, mechanisation and Uomo Novo during the years of Fascism, to the more concerted reassessment of the modern post-War world that is embodied in his satirical brutalist sculptures and proto-Pop demythologies, these last works mapping an emergence out of totalitarianism and the rediscovery of ‘democratic and international values.’ In this new analysis, Paolozzi stands as one of the few international figures who consistently developed a mature and idiosyncratic rationale through which a new, non-Fascist modernism was reformulated.

This thesis discusses clerical censorship against the film industry as a phenomenon encompassing questions of popular education and mass culture, power formation, and ideological struggles. It argues that clerical censorship should be understood not as the undertaking to simply make sins less attractive, in films, but as the Church's efforts to influence the state and police force, magistrates, or government censorship boards to prohibit or remove certain films’ offensive contents, which are believed to be ideologically contrary to the Church’s doctrine. The financial, political and legal sanctions called in force by Church censorship surely go beyond the idea of moral reprimand recommend by the Catholic teachings. They put in action what Gramsci called culturally influential ‘hegemony’. In particular, film boycott will be flagged out as that method which empowers the clergy (composed of high prelates, clergymen, and nuns) to influence their followers (flock of souls) to not even consider watching films, containing representations and ideas unapproved of by the Pope. In implementing its control techniques, by means of its reticular system, the church edits indexes, which set criteria for condemning and banning as ‘immoral’ and ‘harmful’, artistic products and ideological ideas, which threaten its theological standpoints. In this sense, the Catholic’s habit to set film ratings and spread public shaming may be said to contribute towards Church censorship as a wide-ranging practice. In consideration of the fact that the various forms of influence and control over the Catholic communities, exercised at local and national level by the clergy in parish churches, communities, schools, associations, and through the media, are acknowledged in this thesis as methods of clerical censorship, I also discuss the action and the militancy of self-appointed censors of Catholic background, who align themselves with the existing governmental censorship boards. In particular, this thesis conducts and examination of how filmmakers, producers, and distributors may at times witness their films being totally suppressed by state and church censorship, and at others, manage to bypass the trouble of compliance with censorship regulations by negotiating ploys to escape severe confrontation in the field of legal censorship. To reveal facts hidden behind the nation’s façade of liberalism and progressivism, this thesis addresses the conceptions behind constitutional/legal censorship and Church censorship. I demonstrate how the power of film censorship located in the nation's major centres of power, the judiciary and the religious, exercise double-edged forms of censorship, using their authority to influence society and individuals. A focus will be placed on recent reforms, which have aptly solved this impasse, and secured larger margins of freedom for the Italian film industry. Indeed, as my argument supports, cinema, as an art form, is also highly fertile in ideological and artistic dissidence against censorial forms of state and church, which attempts to influence and at times limit both the artists' expressive freedom and the audience's right to be entertained and informed.

Since the end of the Second World War, scholars have attempted to understand why Fascist Italy chose to adopt the racial laws in 1938. For sixteen years, Benito Mussolini rejected the existence of antisemitism in Italy, leading many to assert that the antisemitic program was a foreign import. The rise of Nazi Germany, expansion of Fascist Italy's colonial empire, and the desire to create the new fascist man are generally believed to be the main factors that pushed Italian fascism towards a racial program. Yet these factors do not fully explain the radical shift in Fascist Italy's approach to its Jewish minority. This dissertation argues that the turn towards official racism should also take into consideration the development of fascism's other long-standing minority program. Beginning in 1923, the Fascist government instituted policies to "Italianize" the Germanic and Slavic ethno-linguistic minority communities of South Tyrol (Venezia Tridentina) and the Adriatic (Venezia Giulia), known as the allogeni. To "make Italians" of the allogeni the Fascist government stripped them of their linguistic, cultural and political rights, and attempted to absorb them into the national community. However, by the end of the 1920s, Fascist officials began to question whether the assimilation of these ethno-linguistic Others was sufficient or even desirable. I argue that the failures of Italianization led to the delegitimization of assimilation - the foundation upon which Jewish inclusion had been built. The decline of assimilation was an important precursor to the rise of fascism's racial program. This dissertation posits that the borderland Italianization program and racial laws were different phases of the Fascist "redemptive struggle," aimed at redeeming the Italian people and nation through their unification in both being and spirit. The borderland Italianization programs also established some of the methods and procedures that would be adopted for the implementation of the racial laws.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4368.pdf: 4971066 bytes, checksum: 09fa152ef5575317274c1133df9b5a28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-05 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / This thesis seeks to develop an understanding of the trajectories of two groups of Italians who were members of the management board of two organizations, namely the Società Italiani Uniti (SIU) and the Società Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso "Gabriele D'Annunzio" ("SIMS"Gd'A ), located in Araraquara (SP) and in Catanduva (SP), respectively; this investigation was performed from the perspective of the local history, offering some reflections on the ways in which these trajectories have been significantly marked by the rise of fascism. The study covers a period from the end of the 19th century until 1942, with special focus on the 1920s and 1930s in the twentieth century. Thus, it is plausible to say that the effect of the rise of fascism in their organizations, and consequently in the trajectory of the leaders, is intrinsically related to the local conditions of each Italian colony. In this sense, Araraquara has been developed and shaped by the concepts of colonialism and there was some evidence of a closed society and a hostile environment. The social integration of Italian immigrants occurred through a gradual process. However, with respect to the political insertion, some of them have found an alternative path and joined the local Masonic Lodge. Conversely, in Catanduva, the growth of the town has occurred due to the arrival of immigrants, and it was found that there was greater permeability of social and political integration. The doctrine of fascism was incorporated into the SIU and SIMS Gd'A at different times and in different ways. In 1928, empowered by the actions of a group of partners, the SIU was recognized as a shared space where beneficent actions and fascism occurred in an open manner. Hence, the SIU began to decline in the 1930s. Therefore, the SIMS Gd'A only shared its space effectively when it became Casa d'Italia, in 1937, as agreed by consensus among the members, then becoming the only institution to represent italianity in Catanduva. Both the SIU and SIMS Gd A offered an important contribution to the consolidation of italianity in the Italian colonies. Because of access to the official records of the board meeting proceedings of these two organizations was provided, it was possible to carry out a systematic study. It was also used a wide range of public and private records, both in Brazil and in Italy (Rome). Moreover, additional data were collect through face-to-face interviews, mainly of the descendants of Italians. / Esta tese de doutorado busca compreender a trajetória de dois grupos de dirigentes italianos no âmbito de suas associações, a Società Italiani Uniti (SIU) e a Società Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso Gabriele d Annunzio (SIMS Gd A ), localizadas respectivamente em Araraquara (SP) e em Catanduva (SP), sob a perspectiva da história local, questionando-se como a emergência do fascismo em seus espaços marcou essas trajetórias. O período estudado abrange o final do século XIX até 1942, concentrando maior atenção nos anos 20 e 30 do século XX. É possível afirmar que o resultado da emergência do fascismo no âmbito das associações, e consequentemente na trajetória dos dirigentes, está intrinsecamente relacionado às condições locais de cada colônia italiana. Nesse sentido, Araraquara se desenvolveu no contexto do coronelismo, sua sociedade era hostil e relativamente fechada. A inserção social dos imigrantes italianos só foi aos poucos conquistada. Já a inserção política, o modo alternativo encontrado por alguns foi o de participar da Loja maçônica local. Em Catanduva, ao contrário, cujo desenvolvimento ocorreu simultaneamente com a chegada dos imigrantes, havia maior permeabilidade de inserção tanto social como política. A penetração fascista na SIU e na SIMS Gd A aconteceu em momentos distintos e de modos diferenciados. Já em 1928, por poder de ação de um grupo de sócios, a SIU era conhecida como o que aqui se chama de espaço partilhado, onde beneficência e fascismo funcionavam abertamente. A partir dos anos 30, ela começa a decair. Por sua vez, a SIMS Gd A somente partilhou o seu espaço efetivamente quando se transformou em Casa d Italia, em 1937, por meio de um consenso entre os sócios, tornando-se a única instituição oficial da italianidade de Catanduva. Tanto a SIU como a SIMS Gd A deram uma importante contribuição para a consolidação da italianidade nas colônias italianas. Um estudo sistemático dessas duas associações só foi possível devido ao acesso às Atas das Assembleias. Também foi utilizada farta documentação rastreada em arquivos e instituições públicas e privadas, tanto no Brasil como na Itália (Roma). Além disso, dados adicionais foram coletados por meio de depoimentos pessoais, sobretudo de descendentes de italianos.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'étudier le monde journalistique turinois sous le régime fasciste, et en particulier lors de la deuxième décennie du régime. Cette période, coïncidant avec la montée et la consolidation du consensus (1929-1936) avant une remise en question progressive (1936-1940), est pour le journalisme italien celle de l'instauration progressive du contrôle de la profession par le régime. La répression, puis la mise au pas de la presse nationale et régionale, la création de structures de contrôle, particulièrement avec le Syndicat national fasciste des journalistes et son albo ou le ministère de la Culture populaire, l'uniformisation et l’institutionnalisation de la presse, notamment pour des usages propagandistes, bouleversent le monde journalistique et ses acteurs. Il s'agit dès lors de se focaliser sur les parcours collectifs et individuels de ces journalistes, en prenant comme laboratoire d'étude la ville de Turin. Les influences politiques, sociales et culturelles font en effet de cette ville un lieu particulier pour le fascisme, difficile à « normaliser ». Turin possède par ailleurs deux des plus importants journaux du pays (la Gazzetta del Popolo et La Stampa). L'étude prosopographique des 278 journalistes identifiés permet de mettre en perspective des caractéristiques sociales particulières, notamment en terme d'origine géographique ou de niveau d'instruction. De même, en s’intéressant aux liens avec le monde politique local et national, elle éclaire les frontières mouvantes entre politique et journalisme et permet de replacer la question du journalisme dans le cadre plus large du régime fasciste et particulièrement de ses ambiguïtés, entre contrôle, surveillance et répression d'un côté et les limites du totalitarisme de l'autre. L'étude prosopographique met également en évidence une continuité certaine, en terme de rédacteurs, entre le journalisme de l'époque libérale et celui de l'époque fasciste, remettant en question l'image d'une « épuration » sévère et totale de la profession. Dès lors, la question de la place nouvelle génération de journalistes, formés techniquement et imprégnés d'idéologie fasciste et dont la création était chère à certains hiérarques fascistes, Ermanno Amicucci en tête, prend tout son sens. Enfin, la seconde partie de la thèse s’intéresse à quelques parcours singuliers et itinéraires comparés, permettant d’illustrer une partie de la diversité des attitudes des journalistes turinois confrontés au régime fasciste et à sa volonté d'instituer un « nouveau modèle de journalisme ». Ces parcours se proposent ainsi d'éclairer plus spécifiquement certains aspects centraux de l'univers journalistique durant le régime, abordant notamment l'épuration des années 1927-1931 (avec par exemple Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto ou Santi Savarino), les liens avec le monde politique local (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) ou même la question des lois raciales (Deodato Foà). Entre relative résistance et renoncement, entre acceptation et tractations, entre illusions et pragmatisme, ces trajectoires biographiques mettent alors au jour des postures diverses dont les croisements, les stratégies, les contenus s'insèrent dans un cadre bien plus large, celui du ventennio fasciste et de ses tragédies. / This work studies the turinese journalistic world during fascist system, especially the second decade. This decade coincide with the rise of the consensus (1929-1936) before the first time of contestation (1936-1940). The italian journalism is more and more controlled by the political authorities. The repression of the national and regional papers, and then the organization, standardization and institutionalization of the press, change drastically the journalism background. In view of this, this work focuses on collective and individual trajectories, with Turin as study place. The political, social and cultural influences of Turin make this city a particular place for the fascism, hard to “normalize”, and which possess two of the principal papers of the country (the Gazzetta del Popolo and La Stampa). The prosopographical study of the 278 identify journalists allows to put in perspective social characteristics (geographical origins, level of schooling etc...). The national and regional political connections light up the moving mark between politic and journalism and allow to replace the journalism question in the ampler setting of fascist regime and his ambiguities (between control, surveillance and repression, on one hand, and limits of totalitarianism of the other hand). The prosopographical study shows also a clear continuity of journalist between liberal and fascist periods, which questions the image of a harsh and total “purge” of the profession. In this context, the question of the place of the new journalistic generation, technically formed and permeated of fascist ideology, like Ermanno Amicucci and other fascist figures wanted, is central. Finally, the second part of the study takes an interest in a few singular trajectories and compared itineraries, which allows to illustrate a part of the diversity of turinese journalist attitudes, confronted with a regime who wants to institute a “new journalism model”. This trajectories intend to light up more specifically some of central aspects of journalistic world during the regime, like the purge of the years 1927-1931 (with for example Gino Pestelli, Leo Galetto or Santi Savarino),, the connections with local politic world (Angelo Appiotti, Leo Rea) or the racial laws and their impact (Deodoato foà). Between opposition and resignation, acceptation and negotiation, illusions and pragmatism, this biographical trajectories expose some varied positions, insert into a ampler context, which is the fascist ventennio, and his tragedies.