No vale do rio Jari, divisa entre os estados do Pará e Amapá, surgiu, ainda no século XIX, o que muitos acreditam ser um dos maiores latifúndios do mundo, sob o jugo de José Júlio de Andrade, migrante cearense que virou coronel e explorava castanha, seringa e balata pelo sistema de aviamento, com direitos de vida e morte em todo vale. Em 1967, o milionário estadunidense Daniel Keith Ludwig adquiriu a enorme extensão de terras com a intenção de fundar um projeto pioneiro que serviria de modelo para o aproveitamento econômico da Amazônia. Tendo como carro chefe a produção de celulose, o empreendimento ficou conhecido como Projeto Jari. Após receber centenas de milhões em incentivos na onda dos grandes projetos para a Amazônia das décadas de 1960 e 1970, e acumular escândalos e prejuízos, em 1982, o Projeto é assumido por um grupo de empresas nacionais e, em 2000, passa para o comando do Grupo Orsa, um conglomerado paulista do setor de papel e celulose tido como exemplo pioneiro de empresa verde e com muitos prêmios recebidos como reconhecimento de sua responsabilidade social e ambiental. Porém, apesar dos projetos econômicos ali desenvolvidos e que vão se sucedendo, se somando e/ou se atualizando nas últimas décadas, a empresa ali instalada não é capaz de comprovar ser proprietária da área. Trata-se de um imenso latifúndio, com mais de três milhões de hectares, onde também vivem milhares de famílias camponesas. O Estado, há décadas, tem ciência da debilidade da documentação fundiária e, portanto, de que se tratam de terras públicas, mas nada é feito. A partir desse cenário, este trabalho aposta na ideia de que estudar esse imóvel fornecerá importantes elementos para se debater a constituição da propriedade privada da terra e sobre a questão agrária no Brasil. Para tanto, adotamos o entendimento defendido por Ariovaldo U. de Oliveira de que a formação territorial brasileira é consequência do processo através do qual o capital submeteu a terra à sua lógica econômica de exploração. Assim, tratar da propriedade da terra é tratar, também, de parte fundamental do desenvolvimento do capitalismo no Brasil. Abordamos, então, a questão a partir da análise dos documentos que supostamente fundamentam a propriedade privada do latifúndio, de pareceres jurídicos elaborados sobre eles, bem como da postura do poder público diante das conclusões apresentadas nesses pareceres. Pretende-se, assim, lançar luz sobre os mecanismos que, apesar dos conflitos e questionamentos, têm permitido e sustentado a continuidade das atividades econômicas e a permanência da empresa na área. / What many believe to be one of the largest landed estates in the world was to emerge in the nineteenth century along the Jari River valley, which straddles the border between the Brazilian Amazonian states of Pará and Amapá. A migrantturned- colonel from the northeastern state of Ceará, called José Júlio de Andrade, then controlled the valley: he had rights over life and death in the area where Brazil nut, rubber and balata were extracted through a system based on indebtedness known as aviamento. Then, in 1967, the American millionaire Daniel Keith Ludwig acquired the huge expanse of land. His intention was to found a pioneering project whose aim was to serve as a model for economic activities in the Amazon. The enterprise became known as the Jari Project; its flagship was cellulose production. At a time of major governmental projects for the Brazilian Amazon in the 1960s and 1970s, the project received hundreds of millions of dollars in governmental incentives; it would accumulate monumental scandals and losses. In 1982, the project was taken over by a consortium of national enterprises and in 2000, again passed hands, this time to the Grupo Orsa a paper and cellulose pulp conglomerate from São Paulo, considered as a pioneering example of a \"green enterprise\" and which has received a string of awards in recognition of their social and environmental responsibility. Yet, in spite of these ongoing, successive projects in the area over the last few decades, the conglomerate is unable to prove its title to the land. The huge landed estate, covering over three million hectares, is also home to thousands of peasant families. For decades, the state has been aware of the estates deficient documentation which in effect means that these are public lands but nothing has been done. This study is based on the idea that the investigation of the estates trajectory will reveal important elements on which to base a discussion of the constitution of private landed property and the agrarian question in Brazil. Towards this end, we have adopted Ariovaldo U. de Oliveiras perspective that \"Brazils territorial formation results from the process through which capital submitted the land to its economic logic of exploitation\". Thus, inherent to debating land ownership in Brazil is a consideration of the fundamental part of the development of capitalism in the country. We approach the issue by analysing the documents that supposedly prove the estate to be private property and the legal assessments based on these documents, as well as the government\'s reaction to the findings presented in these assessments. In this way, the mechanisms that have allowed and sustained the continuity of these economic activities and the enterprises continued permanence in the area in spite of conflicts and questioning will be illuminated.

No vale do rio Jari, divisa entre os estados do Pará e Amapá, surgiu, ainda no século XIX, o que muitos acreditam ser um dos maiores latifúndios do mundo, sob o jugo de José Júlio de Andrade, migrante cearense que virou coronel e explorava castanha, seringa e balata pelo sistema de aviamento, com direitos de vida e morte em todo vale. Em 1967, o milionário estadunidense Daniel Keith Ludwig adquiriu a enorme extensão de terras com a intenção de fundar um projeto pioneiro que serviria de modelo para o aproveitamento econômico da Amazônia. Tendo como carro chefe a produção de celulose, o empreendimento ficou conhecido como Projeto Jari. Após receber centenas de milhões em incentivos na onda dos grandes projetos para a Amazônia das décadas de 1960 e 1970, e acumular escândalos e prejuízos, em 1982, o Projeto é assumido por um grupo de empresas nacionais e, em 2000, passa para o comando do Grupo Orsa, um conglomerado paulista do setor de papel e celulose tido como exemplo pioneiro de empresa verde e com muitos prêmios recebidos como reconhecimento de sua responsabilidade social e ambiental. Porém, apesar dos projetos econômicos ali desenvolvidos e que vão se sucedendo, se somando e/ou se atualizando nas últimas décadas, a empresa ali instalada não é capaz de comprovar ser proprietária da área. Trata-se de um imenso latifúndio, com mais de três milhões de hectares, onde também vivem milhares de famílias camponesas. O Estado, há décadas, tem ciência da debilidade da documentação fundiária e, portanto, de que se tratam de terras públicas, mas nada é feito. A partir desse cenário, este trabalho aposta na ideia de que estudar esse imóvel fornecerá importantes elementos para se debater a constituição da propriedade privada da terra e sobre a questão agrária no Brasil. Para tanto, adotamos o entendimento defendido por Ariovaldo U. de Oliveira de que a formação territorial brasileira é consequência do processo através do qual o capital submeteu a terra à sua lógica econômica de exploração. Assim, tratar da propriedade da terra é tratar, também, de parte fundamental do desenvolvimento do capitalismo no Brasil. Abordamos, então, a questão a partir da análise dos documentos que supostamente fundamentam a propriedade privada do latifúndio, de pareceres jurídicos elaborados sobre eles, bem como da postura do poder público diante das conclusões apresentadas nesses pareceres. Pretende-se, assim, lançar luz sobre os mecanismos que, apesar dos conflitos e questionamentos, têm permitido e sustentado a continuidade das atividades econômicas e a permanência da empresa na área. / What many believe to be one of the largest landed estates in the world was to emerge in the nineteenth century along the Jari River valley, which straddles the border between the Brazilian Amazonian states of Pará and Amapá. A migrantturned- colonel from the northeastern state of Ceará, called José Júlio de Andrade, then controlled the valley: he had rights over life and death in the area where Brazil nut, rubber and balata were extracted through a system based on indebtedness known as aviamento. Then, in 1967, the American millionaire Daniel Keith Ludwig acquired the huge expanse of land. His intention was to found a pioneering project whose aim was to serve as a model for economic activities in the Amazon. The enterprise became known as the Jari Project; its flagship was cellulose production. At a time of major governmental projects for the Brazilian Amazon in the 1960s and 1970s, the project received hundreds of millions of dollars in governmental incentives; it would accumulate monumental scandals and losses. In 1982, the project was taken over by a consortium of national enterprises and in 2000, again passed hands, this time to the Grupo Orsa a paper and cellulose pulp conglomerate from São Paulo, considered as a pioneering example of a \"green enterprise\" and which has received a string of awards in recognition of their social and environmental responsibility. Yet, in spite of these ongoing, successive projects in the area over the last few decades, the conglomerate is unable to prove its title to the land. The huge landed estate, covering over three million hectares, is also home to thousands of peasant families. For decades, the state has been aware of the estates deficient documentation which in effect means that these are public lands but nothing has been done. This study is based on the idea that the investigation of the estates trajectory will reveal important elements on which to base a discussion of the constitution of private landed property and the agrarian question in Brazil. Towards this end, we have adopted Ariovaldo U. de Oliveiras perspective that \"Brazils territorial formation results from the process through which capital submitted the land to its economic logic of exploitation\". Thus, inherent to debating land ownership in Brazil is a consideration of the fundamental part of the development of capitalism in the country. We approach the issue by analysing the documents that supposedly prove the estate to be private property and the legal assessments based on these documents, as well as the government\'s reaction to the findings presented in these assessments. In this way, the mechanisms that have allowed and sustained the continuity of these economic activities and the enterprises continued permanence in the area in spite of conflicts and questioning will be illuminated.

Ce travail étudie les composants de l’évolution territoriale et socio-économique de la région du Jari, située au nord de l’Amazonie brésilienne, en identifiant les différents processus de transformation ainsi que les structures spatiales actuelles. Longtemps à l’écart des dynamiques nationales du peuplement et du développement, celle-ci connait, au XXe siècle, un développement socioéconomique en deux étapes : Le premier, au début du siècle, à partir d’une occupation conditionnée par l’extractivisme (exploitation de ressources naturelles de la forêt, comme le caoutchouc ou la noix du Brésil), et organisée autour d’un latifundiaire sur environ 2 millions d’hectares. Le deuxième, plus important, à la fin des années 1960, à partir de l’installation, sur ce même territoire, d’une grande entreprise agro-industrielle, le "projet Jari", par l’entrepreneur et multimillionnaire Américain D.K. Ludwig, qui visait à la production de la cellulose à grande échelle, et entraînait la construction d’une première infrastructure urbaine et industrielle dans une région de forêt primaire jusque-là intacte. Désormais indissociablement liées, les transformations socioéconomiques et territoriales de la région du Jari se sont depuis produites en tant qu’influence ou interaction directe avec l’évolution du projet Jari. Celui-ci, toujours en fonction dans la région aujourd’hui, a lui-même connu des transformations significatives depuis son installation en 1967: fortement polémiquée pour la non rentabilité économique, l’impact environnemental, et le gaspillage en ressources humaines de ses activités d’agrobusiness, le projet Jari du XXIe siècle émerge aujourd’hui, sous une nouvelle gestion (Orsa), comme une entreprise viable, certifiée, et pionnière en matière de responsabilité sociale et environnementale des entreprises en contexte amazonien. Les nouvelles stratégies territoriales développées par celle-ci et basées dans un discours de responsabilité sociale et environnementale des entreprises, ont permis à la Jari non seulement de conquérir une place stable sur le marché national et international de la cellulose, mais aussi à atténuer une conflit foncier de long date dans la région du Jari, qui a durablement marqué les relations entre l’entreprise, le gouvernement et les populations locales, dont plusieurs ont été déplacées de leurs terres lors de la transformation de larges parties de forêt primaire en plantations d’eucalyptus. La création, par la "nouvelle" entreprise, d’une Fondation sociale, censée de mettre en œuvre des petits projets socio-économiques dans la région, a en outre permis d’avancer le processus d’intégration territoriale visant à inclure enfin les communautés locales et les acteurs politiques à la gestion régionale et à l’utilisation des ressources, jusque-là monopolisée par l’entreprise. Sans être achevé, ce processus forme aujourd’hui la base solide pour une transformation "durable" du Jari, d’une vieille "enclave" économique de l’Américain à une région intégrée dont le potentiel est partagé parmi ses habitants. / This thesis studies the components and phases of the socioeconomic and territorial evolution of the Jari river region, located at the north of the Brazilian Amazon, by identifying its different transformation processes and contemporary spatial structures. Longtime left aloof from national population and development dynamics, the region experiences a two-step economic and social evolution in the XX century: A first occupation, at the beginning of the century, that was conditioned by the exploitation of natural resources (rubber, Brazil nut) and led to the establishment of a "latifundium" covering about 2 million ha; and a second, more important occupation at the end of 1960ies by the an American businessman and multimillionaire D.K. Ludwig. The initiation, by the latter, of a huge agro-industrial enterprise, the "Jari project", aiming at a large-scale production of cellulose, lead to the construction of first urban infrastructures and industrial facilities in a region until then covered with intact primary forest. The socio-cultural, economical and political development of the Jari River region has since been intrinsically linked to the evolution of the Jari project. The project itself, which is still active in the region, has itself known significant change since its building up in 1967: strongly criticized during the 1970ies and 1980ies due to the lack of economic viability of its agro-industrial activities, as well as its ecological impact and its waste of human resources, the project of the XXI century, revived by a new management (Orsa), presents itself as an innovative, lucrative and certified firm, henceforth conscious of its social and environmental responsibility and thus of its pioneer role for the socioeconomic development of the Jari River region where it operates. The territorial strategies developed in this context by the company, which are embedded in a discourse of social and environmental corporate responsibility, have indeed permitted the company not only to establish itself on the national and international pulp market, but also to mitigate the long-standing land conflict between the Jari firm, the government and the local populations, who had been partly displaced from their lands by the transformation of huge parts of the rainforest into eucalyptus plantations. The creation of a firm-interne social Foundation in 2000, commissioned to carry into action small socioeconomic projects in the region, has also allowed to accelerate a process of territorial integration, aiming at including the local communities and political actors into the management of the region and its use of its natural resources, until then monopolized by the company. Not yet fully achieved, this process of territorial integration constitutes today a solid basis for a sustainable transformation of the region in the future, from the old "enclave" of the American into an integrated region whose potential is commonly shared by its habitants.