<p>In this master thesis, I have studied conflicts that have arisen because of a development project, in a wetland in the Lake Victoria region in Kenya. The aim of the project is to improve the standards of living for the local community by increased food production and employment, but it has developed into a conflict because of, among other things, competition over natural resources. The objective of this study is to analyse these conflicts and identify the causes behind them. A further aim is to analyse if the communication has been sufficient in Yala Swamp, from the stakeholders’ point of view, through out the implementation of the project. The stakeholders that were identified in the conflict are the local community that have been affected by the project, the county councils where the project is located, and the company Dominion, which is the exploiter. Conflict theory is the analytical tool used to identify causes to the conflict. Primary data was collected through qualitative research interviews and secondary data are various reports. The result of the conflict analysis shows that there is a conflict between the local community on one side, and Dominion and the county councils on the other side. The conflict is caused by incompatible goals. The goals that are incompatible, which depend on contested resources, have to the largest extent to do with land access and to some extent with employment. The reason for contested resources has its origin in that the local community feel they have been deprived the land they used to farm on and have not gained what they were promised. They also live in absolute poverty and therefore whish to have more land than they have now. Conflicts over land leads to environmental degradation when people are squeezed into limited areas and put more pressure on land. This issue needs immediate attention to not lead to violent conflicts and further environmental degradation. Foremost the local community is dissatisfied with how the communication between the stakeholders worked before the implementation of the development project and after. A committee was going to be set, but today it does not seem to work adequately from the community members’ point of view. A committee would, however, probably improve the communication and resolve some conflicts. This would reduce the conflict potential and lead to a more sustainable development for all stakeholders.</p>

This paper studies the policy changes that have led to the design and early implementation of the land restitution program in Colombia. I use the land reform literature to frame land reform efforts in Colombia within the larger ideological discussion on land reform. The study maps out the roles of the main actors that influenced the actions of government regarding land reform and their role in shaping the present policies affecting land restitution. The paper argues that although the land restitution program provides an opportunity to initiate a peace building process and should be seriously considered as a measure to compensate the victims of the armed conflict, the present rural development model is an impediment to its success. Although, the more progressive coalition was able to achieve the approval of the land restitution program, the success of the program relies entirely on the wider rural development model being currently embraced in the country. The present rural development model puts an emphasis on the exploitation of extractive resources and other mega projects responding to global market demands; while illicit crops continue to provide an easy and profitable livelihood opportunity for many in the countryside. Such development does not support the livelihoods of returnees and thus does not compliment the land restitution program. The success of the land restitution program thus remains in doubt. The reason is that powerful actors support a neoliberal development model that continues to dominate the political agenda.

In this master thesis, I have studied conflicts that have arisen because of a development project, in a wetland in the Lake Victoria region in Kenya. The aim of the project is to improve the standards of living for the local community by increased food production and employment, but it has developed into a conflict because of, among other things, competition over natural resources. The objective of this study is to analyse these conflicts and identify the causes behind them. A further aim is to analyse if the communication has been sufficient in Yala Swamp, from the stakeholders’ point of view, through out the implementation of the project. The stakeholders that were identified in the conflict are the local community that have been affected by the project, the county councils where the project is located, and the company Dominion, which is the exploiter. Conflict theory is the analytical tool used to identify causes to the conflict. Primary data was collected through qualitative research interviews and secondary data are various reports. The result of the conflict analysis shows that there is a conflict between the local community on one side, and Dominion and the county councils on the other side. The conflict is caused by incompatible goals. The goals that are incompatible, which depend on contested resources, have to the largest extent to do with land access and to some extent with employment. The reason for contested resources has its origin in that the local community feel they have been deprived the land they used to farm on and have not gained what they were promised. They also live in absolute poverty and therefore whish to have more land than they have now. Conflicts over land leads to environmental degradation when people are squeezed into limited areas and put more pressure on land. This issue needs immediate attention to not lead to violent conflicts and further environmental degradation. Foremost the local community is dissatisfied with how the communication between the stakeholders worked before the implementation of the development project and after. A committee was going to be set, but today it does not seem to work adequately from the community members’ point of view. A committee would, however, probably improve the communication and resolve some conflicts. This would reduce the conflict potential and lead to a more sustainable development for all stakeholders.

This study applies a qualitative approach in examining the stakeholder perspectives on the causes and impacts of, and responses to, the farmer-pastoralist conflicts. The study is primarily a response to the broader stakeholder concerns surrounding the farmer-pastoralist conflicts in the Kilosa district of Tanzania. The interdisciplinary approach and, more importantly, the environmental security and political ecology theories, were used for conflict analysis in a bid to determine the gaps in the existing body of the literature. Specifically, the study aimed at determining: first, the causes of the conflicts in question driven by the growing concern around the increasing land conflicts between farmers and pastoralists in the district; second, the impacts of the conflicts and respective implications to the causes and conflict management mechanisms; third, the relevance of the conflict management mechanisms in place. The study adopted a case study design drawing from a range of qualitative methods involving semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis for collecting and analysing the stakeholder perspectives obtained from the field. The study then reveals that farmer-pastoralist conflicts in Kilosa district are mainly grounded in the broader domestic and external socio-political forces. The escalation into violence, however, depends mostly on resource scarcity driven by climate change manifesting as drought. In this regard, the lone environmental scarcity-conflict nexus is found to be less significant in causing farmer-pastoralist conflicts in Kilosa, a finding underpinning the political ecology’s structural influence. The study finds that the use of multistakeholder bricolage institutions is more relevant for addressing these conflicts in Kilosa district. / Commonwealth Scholarship Commission

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur mediebevakningen av Kallak-konflikten sett ut och hur samiska intressen och värden gjorts förståeliga i och genom bevakningen av konflikten. Metoden som har använts är det diskursanalytiska logikperspektivet, vilket strukturerar materialet genom att identifiera och beskriva de logiker som används för att förstå situationen. Teorin är baserad på internationell forskning kring ursprungsfolk som behandlar hur marken förstås och värderas, och även behandlar vilka större komplexa implikationer en markkonflikt kan ha för ursprungsfolk. Analysen består av citat eller utdrag ur tidningsartiklar, och i slutsatsen diskuterar jag de tre större logikerna som har identifierats i materialet: Ekonomilogiken, Miljölogiken och Rättighetslogiken. / The aim of this thesis it to examine how the 'Kallak-conflict had been portrayed in the news coverage and how Sami interests and values has been made comprehensible through and by the news coverage. The method that has been used is the discourse analytic logic perspective, which, by structuring the material can identify and describe the logic’s that are used to understand the situation. The theory is based on international research on indigenous people that handle how the land can be perceived and valued, and handle the bigger more complex implications a land conflict can have for indigenous people. The analysis is based on quotes, or sections from newspaper articles, and in my conclusion I discuss the three major logic’s I found in the material: The economic logic, the environmental logic and the logic of rights.

Esta pesquisa analisa o conflito urbano em torno da realização da Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014 no Brasil. Tal conflito teve inicio no ano de 2010, quando as promessas governamentais em torno de um Projeto de Nação passaram a se materializar em projetos e planos urbanísticos de qualificação da infraestrutura local para a realização do evento esportivo. As reconfigurações políticas, sociais e jurídicas dos processos decisórios estatais provocam um amplo processo de deslocamento compulsório em escala nacional. É a partir desta problemática que um conjunto de organizações plurais passa a se articular na construção de um processo de crítica aos significados e à legitimidade das intervenções estatais para a Copa 2014, dando origem à Articulação Nacional dos Comitês Populares da Copa. Tal conflito se expressa a partir da denúncia das remoções forçadas, as quais dão início a embates públicos acerca do direito à moradia. Deste modo, esta pesquisa acompanha os desdobramentos deste conflito a partir do acompanhamento do ponto de vista e da dinâmica de atuação do Comitê Popular da Copa em Porto Alegre, buscando compreender como se deu a construção e publicização das críticas que fundamentam as diferentes formas de resistência à moradia popular às remoções relacionadas aos projetos da Copa do Mundo 2014 na cidade de Porto Alegre. Ancorando-se numa perspectiva etnográfica da política vivida embasada na abordagem pragmatista, a qual aposta na instabilidade do social e na existência de uma pluralidade de formas de interpretar situações de disputa, objetiva-se deslocar a pesquisa do plano normativo para a ênfase de dinâmicas políticas e de diferentes sentidos mobilizados em torno da moradia para os sujeitos em contextos situados. / This research analyzes the urban conflict around the organization of FIFA 2014 World Cup in Brazil. The conflict began in 2010, when the government promises around a Nation Project began to materialize in projects and urban plans of qualification of local infrastructure to carry out the sporting event. The rearrangements in political, social and legal state decision-making processes cause a broad process of compulsory displacement nationwide. It is from this problem a set of plural organizations is to articulate the construction of a process critical to the meaning and legitimacy of State intervention for the 2014 World Cup, leading the National Coordination of Popular Committees Cup. This conflict is expressed from the denunciation of forced evictions, which initiate the public clashes on the right to housing. Thus, this research followed the developments of this conflict from the monitoring point of view and the dynamics of operation Cup People's Committee in Porto Alegre, trying to understand how gave the construction and publicity of the critical underlying the different forms of resistance the affordable housing removals related to the projects of the World Cup 2014 in Porto Alegre. Anchoring is an ethnographic perspective of the lived policy grounded in pragmatic approach, which invests in social instability and the existence of a plurality of ways of interpreting situations of dispute, the objective is to move the normative level research for the emphasis of political dynamics and different meanings mobilized around the house to the subject in situated.

Esta pesquisa analisa o conflito urbano em torno da realização da Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014 no Brasil. Tal conflito teve inicio no ano de 2010, quando as promessas governamentais em torno de um Projeto de Nação passaram a se materializar em projetos e planos urbanísticos de qualificação da infraestrutura local para a realização do evento esportivo. As reconfigurações políticas, sociais e jurídicas dos processos decisórios estatais provocam um amplo processo de deslocamento compulsório em escala nacional. É a partir desta problemática que um conjunto de organizações plurais passa a se articular na construção de um processo de crítica aos significados e à legitimidade das intervenções estatais para a Copa 2014, dando origem à Articulação Nacional dos Comitês Populares da Copa. Tal conflito se expressa a partir da denúncia das remoções forçadas, as quais dão início a embates públicos acerca do direito à moradia. Deste modo, esta pesquisa acompanha os desdobramentos deste conflito a partir do acompanhamento do ponto de vista e da dinâmica de atuação do Comitê Popular da Copa em Porto Alegre, buscando compreender como se deu a construção e publicização das críticas que fundamentam as diferentes formas de resistência à moradia popular às remoções relacionadas aos projetos da Copa do Mundo 2014 na cidade de Porto Alegre. Ancorando-se numa perspectiva etnográfica da política vivida embasada na abordagem pragmatista, a qual aposta na instabilidade do social e na existência de uma pluralidade de formas de interpretar situações de disputa, objetiva-se deslocar a pesquisa do plano normativo para a ênfase de dinâmicas políticas e de diferentes sentidos mobilizados em torno da moradia para os sujeitos em contextos situados. / This research analyzes the urban conflict around the organization of FIFA 2014 World Cup in Brazil. The conflict began in 2010, when the government promises around a Nation Project began to materialize in projects and urban plans of qualification of local infrastructure to carry out the sporting event. The rearrangements in political, social and legal state decision-making processes cause a broad process of compulsory displacement nationwide. It is from this problem a set of plural organizations is to articulate the construction of a process critical to the meaning and legitimacy of State intervention for the 2014 World Cup, leading the National Coordination of Popular Committees Cup. This conflict is expressed from the denunciation of forced evictions, which initiate the public clashes on the right to housing. Thus, this research followed the developments of this conflict from the monitoring point of view and the dynamics of operation Cup People's Committee in Porto Alegre, trying to understand how gave the construction and publicity of the critical underlying the different forms of resistance the affordable housing removals related to the projects of the World Cup 2014 in Porto Alegre. Anchoring is an ethnographic perspective of the lived policy grounded in pragmatic approach, which invests in social instability and the existence of a plurality of ways of interpreting situations of dispute, the objective is to move the normative level research for the emphasis of political dynamics and different meanings mobilized around the house to the subject in situated.

Esta pesquisa analisa o conflito urbano em torno da realização da Copa do Mundo FIFA 2014 no Brasil. Tal conflito teve inicio no ano de 2010, quando as promessas governamentais em torno de um Projeto de Nação passaram a se materializar em projetos e planos urbanísticos de qualificação da infraestrutura local para a realização do evento esportivo. As reconfigurações políticas, sociais e jurídicas dos processos decisórios estatais provocam um amplo processo de deslocamento compulsório em escala nacional. É a partir desta problemática que um conjunto de organizações plurais passa a se articular na construção de um processo de crítica aos significados e à legitimidade das intervenções estatais para a Copa 2014, dando origem à Articulação Nacional dos Comitês Populares da Copa. Tal conflito se expressa a partir da denúncia das remoções forçadas, as quais dão início a embates públicos acerca do direito à moradia. Deste modo, esta pesquisa acompanha os desdobramentos deste conflito a partir do acompanhamento do ponto de vista e da dinâmica de atuação do Comitê Popular da Copa em Porto Alegre, buscando compreender como se deu a construção e publicização das críticas que fundamentam as diferentes formas de resistência à moradia popular às remoções relacionadas aos projetos da Copa do Mundo 2014 na cidade de Porto Alegre. Ancorando-se numa perspectiva etnográfica da política vivida embasada na abordagem pragmatista, a qual aposta na instabilidade do social e na existência de uma pluralidade de formas de interpretar situações de disputa, objetiva-se deslocar a pesquisa do plano normativo para a ênfase de dinâmicas políticas e de diferentes sentidos mobilizados em torno da moradia para os sujeitos em contextos situados. / This research analyzes the urban conflict around the organization of FIFA 2014 World Cup in Brazil. The conflict began in 2010, when the government promises around a Nation Project began to materialize in projects and urban plans of qualification of local infrastructure to carry out the sporting event. The rearrangements in political, social and legal state decision-making processes cause a broad process of compulsory displacement nationwide. It is from this problem a set of plural organizations is to articulate the construction of a process critical to the meaning and legitimacy of State intervention for the 2014 World Cup, leading the National Coordination of Popular Committees Cup. This conflict is expressed from the denunciation of forced evictions, which initiate the public clashes on the right to housing. Thus, this research followed the developments of this conflict from the monitoring point of view and the dynamics of operation Cup People's Committee in Porto Alegre, trying to understand how gave the construction and publicity of the critical underlying the different forms of resistance the affordable housing removals related to the projects of the World Cup 2014 in Porto Alegre. Anchoring is an ethnographic perspective of the lived policy grounded in pragmatic approach, which invests in social instability and the existence of a plurality of ways of interpreting situations of dispute, the objective is to move the normative level research for the emphasis of political dynamics and different meanings mobilized around the house to the subject in situated.

Desde o início da década 1970, o Oeste do Estado da Bahia destaca-se como a região de grande e intensa expansão das relações de produção capitalista. Essa expansão constitui-se de políticas estatais que favorecem ao capital, por meio de incentivos fiscais e implantação da infraestrutura exigida pelo agronegócio. Dentre as grandes mudanças provocadas por tais intervenções, destacam-se a degradação das riquezas naturais e a desterritorialização dos camponeses geraizeiros, que há muito tempo ocupam as terras de uso comum na condição de posseiros. Essas terras têm sido apropriadas pelo capital, o que provoca intensos conflitos com os camponeses. Nesta tese, são estudadas as comunidades do vale do rio Arrojado, no município de Correntina (Bahia). Pesquisou-se os processos sociais, concernentes à essa problemática, recorreu-se a trabalhos de campo e à teoria do desenvolvimento desigual e combinado, abordando não somente os processos concernentes à expulsão/expropriação dos camponeses, mas também a territorialização desses sujeitos sociais. Reporto-me, assim, às estratégias de produção e reprodução socioterritorial por eles engendradas, em uma situação conflituosa com as forças do capital e do Estado. / Since the early 1970s, the West of Bahia stands out as a region of great and intense expansion of capitalist relations of production. This expansion is made up of state policies that favor capital through tax incentives and infrastructure implementation required by agribusiness. Among the major changes caused by such interventions, we highlight the degradation of natural resources and displacement of peasants geraizeiros peasants [traditional inhabitants of the sertão the backcountry regions of northeastern Brazilian states], which long ago occupied the lands in common use as non-title-holding residents for centuries. These lands have been appropriated by capital enterprises, which causes intense conflicts between farmers and peasant populations. In this thesis, the communities of the rio Arrojado valley, in the municipality of Correntina (Bahia), are analyzed. It was researched social processes, concerning this issue, we used the field work and the theory of combined and uneven development, addressing not only the processes concerning the expulsion/expropriation of peasants, but also the territorialization of these social subjects. I refer thus to the strategies of production and reproduction socio territorial they engendered, in a situation of conflict with the forces of capital enterprises and the state.

Desde o início da década 1970, o Oeste do Estado da Bahia destaca-se como a região de grande e intensa expansão das relações de produção capitalista. Essa expansão constitui-se de políticas estatais que favorecem ao capital, por meio de incentivos fiscais e implantação da infraestrutura exigida pelo agronegócio. Dentre as grandes mudanças provocadas por tais intervenções, destacam-se a degradação das riquezas naturais e a desterritorialização dos camponeses geraizeiros, que há muito tempo ocupam as terras de uso comum na condição de posseiros. Essas terras têm sido apropriadas pelo capital, o que provoca intensos conflitos com os camponeses. Nesta tese, são estudadas as comunidades do vale do rio Arrojado, no município de Correntina (Bahia). Pesquisou-se os processos sociais, concernentes à essa problemática, recorreu-se a trabalhos de campo e à teoria do desenvolvimento desigual e combinado, abordando não somente os processos concernentes à expulsão/expropriação dos camponeses, mas também a territorialização desses sujeitos sociais. Reporto-me, assim, às estratégias de produção e reprodução socioterritorial por eles engendradas, em uma situação conflituosa com as forças do capital e do Estado. / Since the early 1970s, the West of Bahia stands out as a region of great and intense expansion of capitalist relations of production. This expansion is made up of state policies that favor capital through tax incentives and infrastructure implementation required by agribusiness. Among the major changes caused by such interventions, we highlight the degradation of natural resources and displacement of peasants geraizeiros peasants [traditional inhabitants of the sertão the backcountry regions of northeastern Brazilian states], which long ago occupied the lands in common use as non-title-holding residents for centuries. These lands have been appropriated by capital enterprises, which causes intense conflicts between farmers and peasant populations. In this thesis, the communities of the rio Arrojado valley, in the municipality of Correntina (Bahia), are analyzed. It was researched social processes, concerning this issue, we used the field work and the theory of combined and uneven development, addressing not only the processes concerning the expulsion/expropriation of peasants, but also the territorialization of these social subjects. I refer thus to the strategies of production and reproduction socio territorial they engendered, in a situation of conflict with the forces of capital enterprises and the state.