After Ted Kaczynski’s manifesto, Industrial Society and its Future, was published it hasbegun a small, but growing movement of people who support his ideas. After beginning my research, I have seen a rise in the visibility of Kaczynski’s ideas online. This thesis focuses on the Anti-Tech Collective (ATC) who, as a radical online community has begun promoting his ideas. This thesis has used communication phenomenology as a method to see how the ATC views their relationship with Kaczynski and his writings. In further analysis I then used Freudian defense mechanisms, repurposed as account structure as a way for the ATC to maintain social acceptability while promoting a radical ideology. In this research, I identified ways that the ATC views Kaczynski and his ideas and where this fits in online radicalism. These methods can be employed in looking at any radical online community where its members desire to maintain some level of social acceptability.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE Faculty of Social Sciences Institute of Political Studies Adam Komenda Political profile of Kaczyński brothers Master thesis Abstract The thesis is about two major Polish politicians, Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński. The thesis describes factors that have had a significant impact on their value orientation and political goals, focusing on key events of their life and, above all, political trajectories, capturing, characterizing and evaluating their political profile. In the thesis, it is stated which political goals the Kaczyński brothers managed to realize and which, on the contrary, did not succeed. The thesis also reflects the leadership style of the Kaczyński brothers in terms of leadership theory, especially from the point of view of Max Weber's The Three Types of Legitimate Rule and in therms of Transformational leadership by Bernard M. Bass. Keywords Bronisław Geremek, Fourth Polish Republic, Donald Tusk, Jarosław Kaczyński, pragmatism of Kaczyński, Lech Kaczyński, Lech Wałęsa, screening, Civic Platform, political, Poland, Centre Agreement, Law and Justice, Sejm of the Republic of Poland, Smolensk tragedy, Smolensk myth, Solidarity, leadership.

I denna idéanalytiska och jämförande fallstudien kommer fyra samtida högerextrema manifest att analyseras för att utröna vilka bakomliggande idéer respektive författare ger uttryck för. Till grund för denna analys kommer ideologin ekofascism användas för att utröna ifall deras innehåll överensstämmer med denna ideologi. Därutöver kommer eventuella likheter och skillnader mellan manifesten presenteras. Ett analytiskt ramverk för ekofascism kommer att operationaliseras utifrån skrifter från två filosofer, Pentti Linkola och Savitri Devi. Detta ramverk kommer sedermera appliceras tematiskt på de valda manifesten för att besvara de uppställda frågeställningar. Manifesten har valts för att möjliggöra en komparation över tid, då det första manifestet var skrivet 1995, det andra 2007, och de tre sista 2019. Uppsatsens viktigaste slutsats är att det skett ett idémässigt förskjutande över tid från de två första manifesten till de tre sista, där dessa kännetecknas av rasistiska och/eller antisemitiska tankegångar. Slutligen fann uppsatsen att i alla manifest, bortsett från Kaczynskis, var eventuella eko-tankegångar underordnade andra problemområden som dess författare identifierat.

The subject of this diploma thesis is to examine and compare the ideological and programmatic definition of Fidesz and PiS, their development in time and their current actions and policy-making since forming their single-party governments in 2010 in Hungary and 2015 in Poland, respectively. This work also focuses on the development in both countries during the transformation from communism towards democracy, and sets out to answer what preconditions have formed the demand for populist radical right ideology both in Hungary and Poland. Based on the theory of populist radical right framework, this thesis concludes that, in addition to the negative aspects of political and economic transformation, historical narratives and prejudices against minorities by a significant part of the Hungarian and Polish societies have also played a crucial role in creating a climate for demand for the populist radical right. In the third chapter, this thesis finds a high volatility in the ideological development of both parties, especially in regards to Fidesz, and attributes these considerable ideological and programmatic changes in part to reaction of Fidesz and PiS towards changes in the party system in both Hungary and Poland. However, since 2006 the ideology of both parties has become increasingly consistent with...