Submitted by Eliezer Santos (eliezer.santos@mackenzie.br) on 2018-05-30T19:41:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2018-09-21T14:17:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2018-09-27T18:39:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-27T18:39:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia abud Luz.pdf: 2101728 bytes, checksum: 457c6c83e00cc23ea1cc9e4ee5d13e6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie / The martyrdom of Hussein and his companions at Karbala, Iraq, was a major turning point in Islamic history in order to draw the religious doctrine and Shiite identity, a fact that highlighted the differences (primarily political) between Sunni and Shiite. The narrative of the event, evoking the ideas of suffering, compassion, justice and even sacrifice for a greater good, throughout history overlaid as a political tone and became part of critical speeches on politics, social and economic aspects, directed at the “external enemies”, such as imperialism, or within, such as local leaders pressures. In the lebanese context the reading of Karbala‟s narrative and the martyrdom of Imam Hussein as made from 1960s by Musa Al-Sadr and later by Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah rescued the revolutionary and political potential of Karbala‟s narrative by presenting the Imam‟s martyrdom as an act of courage and religiosity that had as one of the objectives to defy a political order perceived as oppressive and deviant of Islamic values (such as justice). From the experience of process such as conflicts between Shiite communities in southern Lebanon and soldiers of Palestinian armed resistance, incursions by Israel‟s defense forces into the country (1978 and 1982) and the intensification of the Lebanese civil war (1975-1990), that a militant shiite discourse articulated in the interaction of the concepts of martyrdom, jihad and resistance was forged, sought space and adherents among shiites and manifested through Hezbollah, a self-declared resistance movement that took advantage of the use of violence against foreign targets (Israel‟s defense forces) and their internal allies in Lebanon, such Southern Lebanese Army. This research sought to investigate the link between the interpretation of Shiite doctrine, especially the founding aspects of the aforementioned division of Islam, such as martyrdom (mainly Karbala‟s narrative) and jihad, and Hezbollah‟s activities in Lebanese territory since its inception in 1978 until 2009, when the party participated in the governmental dialogue aimed of stabilizing Lebanon after the political crisis established in 2005, agreed to participate in the cabinet and published a new manifesto. / O martírio do Imam Hussein e seus companheiros em Karbala, Iraque, foi um importante ponto de inflexão na história islâmica no sentido de desenhar a doutrina religiosa e a identidade xiita, fato que evidenciou as diferenças (inicialmente políticas) entre sunitas e xiitas. A narrativa do acontecimento citado, que evoca as ideias de sofrimento, compaixão, justiça e até mesmo de sacrifício por um bem maior, ao longo da história revestiu-se de um tom político e passou a integrar discursos de crítica política, social e econômica, direcionada a “inimigos” externos, tais como o imperialismo, ou internos, tais como as pressões de líderes locais. No contexto libanês a leitura da narrativa de Karbala e do martírio do Imam Hussein feita a partir da década de 1960 por Musa Al-Sadr e posteriormente pelo Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah resgatou o potencial revolucionário e político da narrativa de Karbala ao apresentar o martírio do Imam como um ato de coragem e religiosidade que tinha como um dos objetivos desafiar uma ordem política percebida como opressora e desviante de valores islâmicos (como o de justiça). A partir da experiência de processos como os conflitos entre as comunidades xiitas do sul do Líbano e os soldados da resistência armada palestina, as incursões das forças de defesa de Israel no país (1978 e 1982) e a intensificação da guerra civil libanesa (1975-1990), que um discurso xiita militante articulado na interação dos conceitos de martírio, jihad e resistência foi forjado, buscou espaço e adeptos entre os xiitas e manifestou-se através do Hezbollah, um auto-declarado movimento de resistência que lançou mão do uso de violência contra alvos estrangeiros (forças de defesa de Israel) e seus aliados internos, como o Exército do Sul do Líbano. A pesquisa buscou investigar o vínculo entre a interpretação feita da doutrina xiita, sobretudo de aspectos fundantes da referida divisão do Islã, tais como o martírio (principalmente a narrativa de Karbala) e o jihad, e a atuação do Hezbollah no território libanês desde a sua fundação em 1978 até o ano de 2009, quando o partido participou do diálogo governamental que visava a estabilização do Líbano após a crise política instaurada desde 2005, aceitou participar do gabinete ministerial e publicou um novo manifesto.

The presented doctoral thesis examines character and significance of the culture of martyrdom (farhang-e shahadat) in contemporary Iranian society with a particular emphasis on delimitation religious-political dimension of this phenomenon and determination of causes and implications of relatively recent reinterpretation which has radically shifted this culture from the religious-spiritual sphere to the political-ideological and even revolutionary. On the one hand, the thesis deals with a complex view of mechanism and manners of the utilization of the Karbala paradigm as the instrument for formulation of politically (and otherwise) motivated aims by different spectres of power structures of the ruling establishment and diverse oppositional social movements and on the other hand it reflects its apolitical standpoint associated with a spiritual experience of believers, which proceeds from the popular religion. These aspects of the political and religious boundary of the culture of martyrdom are examined in detail and given in the context of current socio-political reality. The thesis also strives for presenting of arguments founded on the premise which defines the culture of martyrdom as an essential source for constructing of identities and strengthening of solidarity among Iranian Imami Shi'ites,...

<p>The present study has a twofold purpose: Firstly, it is an analysis of the Karbalā´ Drama—i.e. the death of Ḥusayn b. `Alī in the hands of an army which had been sent out by the Umayyad authorities, at Karbalā´ in 60/680—as it is retold by the Muslim jurist and historiographer Abū Ja`far Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923). Despite its importance, especially to Shī`ite Islam, this text as such has received relatively little attention among scholars of Islam. In this study, the Karbalā´ Drama is regarded as a myth and the method used to analyze it is inspired by the structuralism of Claude Lévi-Strauss. Lévi-Straussian structuralism has probably never before been applied to early Arabic material to the extent that it is used here. The second purpose of the study, then, is to investigate to what extent and in what mode such a method is applicable to this material.</p><p>A portion of the text, called the “Text of Reference,” has been selected and thoroughly analyzed. In that analysis, a number of structural features such as codes, oppositions, mediations, and transformations have been identified and made the basis for a more cursory study of the rest of the story. An important structural feature that is detected in this way is the way the argument of the story is forwarded. By the transformation of metaphors into metonyms, the story attempts to make arbitrary relationships look natural and intrinsic. Such a relationship is that between water and blood—two liquids which are at times shed, at times withheld in the story. Husayn takes a mediating position in that he <i>gives</i> his water and his blood. He acts as mediator both in a negative sense (he establishes the basic Islamic opposition of good and evil), and in a positive sense (as religious guide he acts as a bridge between them).</p>

The present study has a twofold purpose: Firstly, it is an analysis of the Karbalā´ Drama—i.e. the death of Ḥusayn b. `Alī in the hands of an army which had been sent out by the Umayyad authorities, at Karbalā´ in 60/680—as it is retold by the Muslim jurist and historiographer Abū Ja`far Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/923). Despite its importance, especially to Shī`ite Islam, this text as such has received relatively little attention among scholars of Islam. In this study, the Karbalā´ Drama is regarded as a myth and the method used to analyze it is inspired by the structuralism of Claude Lévi-Strauss. Lévi-Straussian structuralism has probably never before been applied to early Arabic material to the extent that it is used here. The second purpose of the study, then, is to investigate to what extent and in what mode such a method is applicable to this material. A portion of the text, called the “Text of Reference,” has been selected and thoroughly analyzed. In that analysis, a number of structural features such as codes, oppositions, mediations, and transformations have been identified and made the basis for a more cursory study of the rest of the story. An important structural feature that is detected in this way is the way the argument of the story is forwarded. By the transformation of metaphors into metonyms, the story attempts to make arbitrary relationships look natural and intrinsic. Such a relationship is that between water and blood—two liquids which are at times shed, at times withheld in the story. Husayn takes a mediating position in that he gives his water and his blood. He acts as mediator both in a negative sense (he establishes the basic Islamic opposition of good and evil), and in a positive sense (as religious guide he acts as a bridge between them).

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