This thesis explores architectural and design principles for fire-prone regions. A number of these principles are identified and developed in the design of a recreational infrastructure for Kelowna, British Columbia, at both the scale of the city and the building. At the city scale, the project proposes the integration of a fuel break into the southern border of Kelowna, providing a corridor of defensible space between the city and an approaching fire. This fuel break, a landscape “scar”, is developed as a linear park that links points of interest along its 16 kilometre length. One point of interest is selected as a building site for a community centre and lookout. The design principles for forest fire safety provide the necessary framework for the design decisions of siting and materials.

The Community Response Network in Kelowna was formed from the policydriven elder abuse committee and as a response to the Adult Guardianship Act of British Columbia enacted in 2000. After the inception of the act that addresses abuse, neglect and self-neglect of adults, the Community Response Network - a community development initiative that was implemented from social policy - was unsure of its role in the community. The purpose of this qualitative research is to assist the network in defining its role in supporting adults who may be vulnerable to harm. What is the role of the Community Response Network? What did the network do in the past? How effective was it? Who should be involved? It was thought that the network would continue to offer education and awareness to community members. Through a purposeful convenience sample of participants in both a focus group and individual interviews, various themes such as structure, values, context and tasks were evident through verbatim analysis. As well, through a feminist analysis, several dichotomies and inconsistencies were interpreted. Recommendations for the network include continuing education and awareness workshops, strengthening linkages in the community, and inviting a diverse group of people to become involved in the committee.

The Community Response Network in Kelowna was formed from the policydriven elder abuse committee and as a response to the Adult Guardianship Act of British Columbia enacted in 2000. After the inception of the act that addresses abuse, neglect and self-neglect of adults, the Community Response Network - a community development initiative that was implemented from social policy - was unsure of its role in the community. The purpose of this qualitative research is to assist the network in defining its role in supporting adults who may be vulnerable to harm. What is the role of the Community Response Network? What did the network do in the past? How effective was it? Who should be involved? It was thought that the network would continue to offer education and awareness to community members. Through a purposeful convenience sample of participants in both a focus group and individual interviews, various themes such as structure, values, context and tasks were evident through verbatim analysis. As well, through a feminist analysis, several dichotomies and inconsistencies were interpreted. Recommendations for the network include continuing education and awareness workshops, strengthening linkages in the community, and inviting a diverse group of people to become involved in the committee. / Arts, Faculty of / Social Work, School of / Graduate

Entering the informal domain may be considered contrary to a formal understanding of architecture yet it is within this context that many architectural strategies are being resolved. Unbound by law and tradition, informal settlements allow for creative solutions that would otherwise not be explored. Such unconventional solutions speak to the discourse of architecture and planning, challenging ideas of public space and private ownership. The goal of this thesis is to investigate how public space is achieved in established informal houseboat communities using off-grid systems and salvaged material. An investigation of the houseboat community in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories and the Narrow boats in London, England are case studies in this process. This thesis seeks to identify how the city of West Kelowna, the Westbank First Nation and the Central Okanagan Regional District of British Columbia can be agents of an informal intervention on the Okanagan Lake in British Columbia.

This thesis examines attempts to transform access to land and housing in First Nations (‘Indian Reservations’) in Canada through the mechanism of market development. This initiative, proposed by the Government of Canada to First Nations, is a deliberate shift away from socially funded housing to owner occupied housing as a way to increase wealth and address social conditions. The thesis begins with a brief statement of how recent policy shifts in First Nation housing have been justified by neoliberalism, and outlines policy and planning interventions consistent with neoliberalism to develop First Nation homeownership programs. Next, the thesis examines market development in Indigenous lands internationally and draws on lessons learned that may take shape in First Nations. Finally, the thesis examines how interventions in First Nations have been discussed in recent policy documents leading up to the Kelowna Accord signed in 2005, and reports on critical discourse analysis of the documents that were authored by the signatories to support negotiations on the Accord. The purpose is not so much to evaluate the interventionist policies as it to highlight what they attempt to achieve, and to identify some of the challenges they present to planners. Specifically, the thesis addresses the question: what underlying meanings have been embedded in the documentation supporting negotiations on the land questions between Ottawa and Aboriginal organisations? To this end, it extends the analysis by Skelton and Ribeiro (2006), which raises concerns in relation to social rights, Aboriginal governance and social relations that may accompany the introduction of land markets. Findings show how powerful policy discourses shaped by ideological beliefs privilege particular market forms. However, the emphasis on developing market mechanisms fails to address fundamental issues, such as the underlying cause of poverty and homelessness in First Nations. Such insights challenge current direction in First Nations housing policy and calls for socially responsive and community-based solutions to housing that are relevant to culture, context and place.

This thesis examines attempts to transform access to land and housing in First Nations (‘Indian Reservations’) in Canada through the mechanism of market development. This initiative, proposed by the Government of Canada to First Nations, is a deliberate shift away from socially funded housing to owner occupied housing as a way to increase wealth and address social conditions. The thesis begins with a brief statement of how recent policy shifts in First Nation housing have been justified by neoliberalism, and outlines policy and planning interventions consistent with neoliberalism to develop First Nation homeownership programs. Next, the thesis examines market development in Indigenous lands internationally and draws on lessons learned that may take shape in First Nations. Finally, the thesis examines how interventions in First Nations have been discussed in recent policy documents leading up to the Kelowna Accord signed in 2005, and reports on critical discourse analysis of the documents that were authored by the signatories to support negotiations on the Accord. The purpose is not so much to evaluate the interventionist policies as it to highlight what they attempt to achieve, and to identify some of the challenges they present to planners. Specifically, the thesis addresses the question: what underlying meanings have been embedded in the documentation supporting negotiations on the land questions between Ottawa and Aboriginal organisations? To this end, it extends the analysis by Skelton and Ribeiro (2006), which raises concerns in relation to social rights, Aboriginal governance and social relations that may accompany the introduction of land markets. Findings show how powerful policy discourses shaped by ideological beliefs privilege particular market forms. However, the emphasis on developing market mechanisms fails to address fundamental issues, such as the underlying cause of poverty and homelessness in First Nations. Such insights challenge current direction in First Nations housing policy and calls for socially responsive and community-based solutions to housing that are relevant to culture, context and place.

This thesis is an exploratory investigation of public opinion about open-street closed-circuit television (CCTV) surveillance in Canada. Since 1981, at least 14 cities in Canada have established CCTV monitoring programs to address crime, fear of crime, and social disorder. Opportunities for the public to participate in the establishment of CCTV are limited, yet the opinions and interests of Canadians are invoked in CCTV promotional rhetoric. This study involves the discourse analysis of data from focus groups on the subject of CCTV conducted with seniors and support shelter clients in downtown Kelowna, British Columbia; Kelowna has run a CCTV monitoring program since 2001. I argue that understandings of public CCTV are linked to normative visions of the downtown, rather than evidence of CCTV’s effectiveness. I also argue that public opinion about CCTV is contingent on the availability of resources and information. I recommend improved public consultation as one possible solution.

This thesis is an exploratory investigation of public opinion about open-street closed-circuit television (CCTV) surveillance in Canada. Since 1981, at least 14 cities in Canada have established CCTV monitoring programs to address crime, fear of crime, and social disorder. Opportunities for the public to participate in the establishment of CCTV are limited, yet the opinions and interests of Canadians are invoked in CCTV promotional rhetoric. This study involves the discourse analysis of data from focus groups on the subject of CCTV conducted with seniors and support shelter clients in downtown Kelowna, British Columbia; Kelowna has run a CCTV monitoring program since 2001. I argue that understandings of public CCTV are linked to normative visions of the downtown, rather than evidence of CCTV’s effectiveness. I also argue that public opinion about CCTV is contingent on the availability of resources and information. I recommend improved public consultation as one possible solution.

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression. / The purpose of this thesis is twofold. First, it seeks to identify factors that enable the federal government and Aboriginal peoples to agree on public policies despite the persistence of settler colonialism. It demonstrates that such an agreement is conditional upon the legitimacy, from an Aboriginal perspective, of the policy-making process. Second, this thesis uses a pragmatic approach to call for a reflection on the capacity for policy-making processes to become a space for Aboriginal self-determination. Given the flexibility of current rules that govern the policy-making process in Canada, a government – if it has the will - can shape the process in a more egalitarian fashion, thus increasing the process’s legitimacy from an Aboriginal viewpoint. In a perspective of incremental change, such policy-making process could help Aboriginal people regain some decisional autonomy and hence mitigate the unequal power relationship that actually exists between them and the Canadian state. Building on a theoretical framework that blends different approaches, notably from literatures on public policy, colonialism and legitimacy, this thesis explores two case studies : the policy-making process that led to the Kelowna Accord in 2005 and the one that led to Bill C-33, First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act, in 2014. The comparison of both cases illustrates our arguments and demonstrates its practical applicability. In brief, it shows how the policy-making process can be both a self-determination space and a tool of oppression.

This study acknowledges that historical antipathies towards gay men have marginalised their theatrical representation in the past. However, over the last century a change has occurred in the social location of gay men in Canada (from being marginalised to being included). Given these changes, questions arise as to whether staged representations of gay men are still marginalised today. Given antipathies towards homosexuality and homophobia may contribute to the how theatres determine the riskiness of productions, my investigation sought a correlation between financial risk in theatrical production and the marginalisation of gay representations on stage. Furthermore, given that gay sex itself, and its representation on stage, have been theorised as loci of antipathies to gayness, I investigate the relationship between the visibility and overtness of gay sex in a given play and the production of that play’s proximity to the mainstream. The study located four plays from across the spectrum of production conditions (from high to low financial risk) in BC. Analysis of these four plays shows general trends, not only in the plays’ constructions but also in the material conditions of their productions that indicate that gay representations become more overt, visible and sexually explicit when less financial risk was at stake. Various factors are identified – including the development of the script, the producing theatre, venue, and promotion of the production – that shape gay representation. The analysis reveals that historical theatrical practices, that have had the effect of marginalizing the representations of gays in the past, are still in place. These practices appear more prevalent the higher the financial risk of the production. / The author would like to sincerely thank Ann Wilson, Ric Knowles, Matthew Hayday, Alan Shepard, Sky Gilbert, Daniel MacIvor, Michael Lewis MacLennan, Conrad Alexandrowicz, Chris Grignard, Edward Roy, Brad Fraser, Cole J. Alvis, Jonathan Seinan, David Oiye, Clinton Walker, Sean Cummings, Darrin Hagin, and Chris Galatchian. / SSHRC, The Heather McCallum Scholarship, Lambda Prize for achievement in lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans-gendered studies.