This thesis addresses the regional perspective in the second largest city of Ukraine, Kharkiv, and investigates various self-identification strategies with a particular emphasis on the local and regional element. A specific time period was chosen, starting with the Orange Revolution in 2004 and ending with the month before the Russian invasion in 2022, with a target group consisting of Kharkiv politicians at both the state and local levels. The study was conducted by thematic analysis of interviews, speeches and other statements mainly from Ukrainian media sources in Russian during this period. As the result revealed, identification with the region was noticeable and often manifested under certain political circumstances. There was also a noticeable national-civic consciousness, especially among young politicians in the analyzed cohort. But the themes identified in this study strongly indicate attachment to both the region and the state community as the most prominent self-identification strategy. The results lead to the conclusion that it is necessary to conduct further research not only on the regional units of Ukraine, but also their content, which will contribute to a better understanding of the region within the framework of the nation-building process throughout Ukraine.

En menant l'enquête au plus près des acteurs, cette thèse étudie toutes les formes de communes autour de la première capitale de l'Ukraine soviétique.<br />En 1919, les communes sont des formes de mobilisation politique et sociale des plébéiens ruraux en interaction avec l'État soviétique. Cette « Kommuniâ » provoque une cruelle réaction pogromiste dans les campagnes.<br />Sous la NEP, des communes urbaines apparaissent sous la direction d'étudiants, d'artistes, de pédagogues... Ce « Nouveau Mode de vie » est aussi un laboratoire du contrôle social pour le pouvoir et les élites. Les communes paysannes n'occupent par contre qu'une place marginale socialement et idéologiquement.<br />Cela prépare la subversion de l'utopie par le pouvoir après 1929. « Collectivisation complète » et famine ont raison des communes rurales. L'opposition des communards ruraux et urbains est réelle mais peu audible. Grâce à la rhétorique révolutionnaire de la guerre civile, le pouvoir empêche toute expression des classes pauvres.

No description available.

Armed conflicts throughout history have always involved anticipating the opponent's strategies to increase your own chances of victory, which is even more vital if your opponent is stronger. On 24 February 2022, the strong state of Russia invaded the much weaker state of Ukraine after eight years of military tension. Despite the protracted military escalation, the outcomes of the battles fought vary, with both actors achieving success to different degrees.   Existing theories provide solid explanations for historical asymmetric conflict outcomes, but most of these theories lack explanatory value in contemporary armed conflicts, which this paper aims to examine. The purpose of the study is to test existing asymmetric conflict theory against a contemporary ongoing armed conflict, where the strategic interaction thesis by Ivan Arreguín-Toft is used in a theory-testing approach. The results show that both actors use a combination of attack and defence strategies, illustrating the complex nature of war. However, the results show a clear tendency towards opposite approach strategies on the part of the weak actor, which supports the theory of strategic interaction.

No description available.

This study examines digital media activism during the full-scale war in Ukraine caused by the Russian invasion in 2022, focusing specifically on Instagram content posted by users with connections to Kharkiv city between March 18-25, 2022. Kharkiv was heavily affected by bombings throughout the war.  The theoretical framework combines Bennett and Segerberg’s (2009) theory of connective action with Vegh’s theory of internet activism (2013) and Earl et al.’s (2010) perspective on Vegh’s theory. Additionally, the analysis, observations, and theory review led to the development of an additional category, building upon Bennett and Segerberg’s (2009) theory of connective action.  The research methodology involves a four-step toolkit comprising qualitative content analysis, semiotics (denotation and connotation), and anchorage. The analysis of patterns and classification confirms the high level of involvement in digital media activism by users and reveals differentiation based on the purpose of communication. Semiotic analysis and anchorage demonstrate the intellectual and emotional engagement of Ukrainians in digital society and their efforts to provide information and support.  The study introduces a new classification of digital media activism for content analysis and establishes a new category within the theoretical framework. It expands possibilities for future research on digital media activism and online activity during war or similar life-threatening situations. Furthermore, the study presents a methodological toolkit applicable to limited content formats such as Instagram stories, Facebook Stories, and Snapchat.