Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os fatores que determinaram a peculiaridade histórica do sequestro dos uruguaios, ocorrido em novembro de 1978, na cidade de Porto Alegre no marco da conexão repressiva entre Brasil e Uruguai sob cobertura da Operação Condor. Para tanto, está dividida em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo analisa o contexto do Cone Sul latino-americano nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, quando da implantação das ditaduras civil-militares de Segurança Nacional, bem como o início da conexão repressiva a partir do golpe de Estado no Brasil. A oficialização da Operação Condor, em 1975, qualificaria e redimensionaria essa experiência de colaboração regional, realidade até então, país a país. Ainda nesse primeiro momento, identificamos e avaliamos as principais características do operativo bem como a atuação do Uruguai e do Brasil dentro desse marco. O segundo capítulo aborda especificamente o sequestro dos uruguaios em Porto Alegre, desde a sua planificação no Uruguai até a sua execução na capital gaúcha. Para tanto, analisa a tentativa de organizar uma relativa resistência uruguaia, no Rio Grande do Sul, no final dos anos 1970, seus vínculos com a oposição brasileira e, consequentemente, a atuação repressiva conjunta do DOPS/RS e da Compañia de Contrainformaciones Estas estruturas repressivas foram o rosto do TDE regional contra Lilián, Universindo, Camilo e Francesca. Ainda no capítulo 2, apontamos e dissecamos as denominadas farsas diversionistas criadas para confundir a opinião pública, manipular a informação e inviabilizar a investigação e a responsabilização dos agentes e autoridades envolvidos no sequestro. Finalmente, o terceiro capítulo analisa os desdobramentos do sequestro em Porto Alegre e destaca o protagonismo crucial da imprensa, da OAB-RS, da Assembleia Legislativa e do MJDH, gerando um clima inédito, até então, de ofensiva de setores democráticos junto à opinião pública e contra as políticas repressivas de silêncio ou tergiversação das ditaduras envolvidas. O capítulo abrange, finalmente, o momento da responsabilização do Estado brasileiro ante um crime de lesa-humanidade. / This dissertation has for objective to analyze the factors that determined the historical peculiarity of the kidnapping of Uruguayans, in November 1978, in Porto Alegre city in mark of repressive connection between Brazil and Uruguay under coverage of Operation Condor. This analyze is divided into three chapters. The first chapter analyzes the context of the South Cone of Latin American in the 1960s and 1970s, when the deployment of civil-militaries dictatorships of National Security, as well as the beginning of the repressive connection from of the coup of State in Brazil. The formalization of Condor Operation, in 1975, qualify resize and up that experience for regional collaboration, reality until so, country by country. Even at this first time, identify and evaluate the main features of operating as well as performance Uruguay and Brazil within that framework. The second chapter specifically the kidnapping of Uruguayans in Porto Alegre, since its planning in Uruguay until its execution in the state capital. It analyzes the attempt to organize a relative Uruguayan resistance in Rio Grande do Sul, in the final 1970s, theirs links with the Brazilian opposition and, consequently, the repressive actions joint of the DOPS / RS and Compañia de Contrainformaciones. These repressive structures were the face of regional TDE against Lilián, Universindo, Camilo and Francesca. Also in Chapter 2, point out and dissect the so-called diversionary hoaxes created to confuse public opinion, to manipulate the information and to make impossible the investigation and accountability of officers and officials authority involved in the kidnapping. Finally, the third chapter analyzes the implications of the kidnapping in Porto Alegre and bring out the crucial highlight of the press, of the OAB-RS, of the Legislature and of theMJDH, generating an unprecedented climate, until then, of offensive of democratic sectors join to public opinion and against the repressive politics of silence or misrepresentation of dictatorships involved. The chapter covers, finally, the moment of accountability of the Brazilian State face a crime against humanity.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os fatores que determinaram a peculiaridade histórica do sequestro dos uruguaios, ocorrido em novembro de 1978, na cidade de Porto Alegre no marco da conexão repressiva entre Brasil e Uruguai sob cobertura da Operação Condor. Para tanto, está dividida em três capítulos. O primeiro capítulo analisa o contexto do Cone Sul latino-americano nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, quando da implantação das ditaduras civil-militares de Segurança Nacional, bem como o início da conexão repressiva a partir do golpe de Estado no Brasil. A oficialização da Operação Condor, em 1975, qualificaria e redimensionaria essa experiência de colaboração regional, realidade até então, país a país. Ainda nesse primeiro momento, identificamos e avaliamos as principais características do operativo bem como a atuação do Uruguai e do Brasil dentro desse marco. O segundo capítulo aborda especificamente o sequestro dos uruguaios em Porto Alegre, desde a sua planificação no Uruguai até a sua execução na capital gaúcha. Para tanto, analisa a tentativa de organizar uma relativa resistência uruguaia, no Rio Grande do Sul, no final dos anos 1970, seus vínculos com a oposição brasileira e, consequentemente, a atuação repressiva conjunta do DOPS/RS e da Compañia de Contrainformaciones Estas estruturas repressivas foram o rosto do TDE regional contra Lilián, Universindo, Camilo e Francesca. Ainda no capítulo 2, apontamos e dissecamos as denominadas farsas diversionistas criadas para confundir a opinião pública, manipular a informação e inviabilizar a investigação e a responsabilização dos agentes e autoridades envolvidos no sequestro. Finalmente, o terceiro capítulo analisa os desdobramentos do sequestro em Porto Alegre e destaca o protagonismo crucial da imprensa, da OAB-RS, da Assembleia Legislativa e do MJDH, gerando um clima inédito, até então, de ofensiva de setores democráticos junto à opinião pública e contra as políticas repressivas de silêncio ou tergiversação das ditaduras envolvidas. O capítulo abrange, finalmente, o momento da responsabilização do Estado brasileiro ante um crime de lesa-humanidade. / This dissertation has for objective to analyze the factors that determined the historical peculiarity of the kidnapping of Uruguayans, in November 1978, in Porto Alegre city in mark of repressive connection between Brazil and Uruguay under coverage of Operation Condor. This analyze is divided into three chapters. The first chapter analyzes the context of the South Cone of Latin American in the 1960s and 1970s, when the deployment of civil-militaries dictatorships of National Security, as well as the beginning of the repressive connection from of the coup of State in Brazil. The formalization of Condor Operation, in 1975, qualify resize and up that experience for regional collaboration, reality until so, country by country. Even at this first time, identify and evaluate the main features of operating as well as performance Uruguay and Brazil within that framework. The second chapter specifically the kidnapping of Uruguayans in Porto Alegre, since its planning in Uruguay until its execution in the state capital. It analyzes the attempt to organize a relative Uruguayan resistance in Rio Grande do Sul, in the final 1970s, theirs links with the Brazilian opposition and, consequently, the repressive actions joint of the DOPS / RS and Compañia de Contrainformaciones. These repressive structures were the face of regional TDE against Lilián, Universindo, Camilo and Francesca. Also in Chapter 2, point out and dissect the so-called diversionary hoaxes created to confuse public opinion, to manipulate the information and to make impossible the investigation and accountability of officers and officials authority involved in the kidnapping. Finally, the third chapter analyzes the implications of the kidnapping in Porto Alegre and bring out the crucial highlight of the press, of the OAB-RS, of the Legislature and of theMJDH, generating an unprecedented climate, until then, of offensive of democratic sectors join to public opinion and against the repressive politics of silence or misrepresentation of dictatorships involved. The chapter covers, finally, the moment of accountability of the Brazilian State face a crime against humanity.

La Guerre Civile libanaise (1975-1990) fut notamment marquée par l’enlèvement de militaires mais aussi de civils. Depuis la loi d’Amnistie de 1991, nous examinerons précisément les répercussions sur la santé psychique de familles d’enlevés, grâce à des entretiens non directifs et la collecte de récits poétiques comme épistolaires, selon la lecture du TAT. La justice transitionnelle est une prospective de reconstruction du Liban. Elle permettrait de lever le voile d’ignorance sur le sort des disparus, pour faciliter le processus de deuil. Mais pour l’heure, les familles souffrent du silence de l’Etat qui enterre l’histoire du Liban, ceci tant que le sort des disparus demeurera inidentifiable. En dépit de ce silence qui annihile toute entreprise de séparation psychique entre les familles et les disparus, condamnant ainsi les mères libanaises à la répétition infinie du trauma, à l’instar de Pénélope tissant et détissant sans cesse les liens du linceul de Télémaque, celles-ci peuvent réaccoucher d’elles-mêmes ; et se tourner, en pleine conscience, vers un avenir, une destinée propre, via le processus du « deuil paradoxal ». Ce concept, loin d’abonder dans le sens de l’évitement ou du déni des disparus, consiste en une réapparition du moi des mères, dans l’opération psychosomatique de procéder au deuil, non de leurs proches, mais du traumatisme qui les avait de prime abord anéanties, jusqu’au vide dépressif. C’est, paradoxalement, grâce à leur fonctionnement limite que les mères des disparus libanais vont pouvoir opérer ce « retour » à leur moi qu’elles imaginaient perdu. / The Lebanese Civil War (1975 - 1990) has been mainly remarkable as far as the kidnapping of soldiers as much as of civilians is concerned. Up to the 1991 Amnesty Law, we will precisely examine the consequential effects on psychic health on rapted families thanks to non guiding interwiews, and the gathering poetical or written accounts, according to the reading of TAT.The transitional justice is a prospective for the rebuild of Lebanon. It could help to clear the mist about the missing's fate, to help people to go out of mourning. But at the present time, the families are enduring the silence of the State, that is burying and forgetting the history of Lebanon, that the missing's fate will remain unestablished for ever. In spite of this silence that destroys any attempt of psychic breaking up between the families and the missings, blocking up that way the Lebanese mothers in the perpetual repetition of the trauma, like Penelope doing and undoing her work that consisted in weawing the shroud of Telemaque's father- in - law, they can deliver of herselves; and decide to look at a future, an own destiny, through the process of "paradoxal nourning".This concept,far from avoiding or denying the missings, consists in a new coming out of the mother's ego, in the psychosomatic way to initiate mourning not of the next of kin, but the traumatism that had prostrated them first up to the depressive emptyness. Paradoxically, bringing the mothers of Lebanese missings to their extreme limits will next allow them to get back to their ego that they imagined as lost for ever at first.

The Niger Delta militancy ravaged the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector between 2004-2009, bringing it to a standstill. In response, the Nigerian state adopted an amnesty policy―a globally recognized tool for conflict resolution and peacebuilding―to protect the sector and the economy from collapse. Little is known, however, about the unintended consequences of the amnesty implementation for the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector. Thus, the purpose of this study was to fill this gap in the research literature on the Niger Delta amnesty program. Polarity management was the conceptual framework applied; relative deprivation and polarities of democracy constituted the theoretical foundation for this qualitative case study. Face-to-face interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with 29 purposefully selected participants from the senior ranks of the petroleum industry, sector trade unions, relevant government agencies, and a regional university. Data were inductively coded as part of content analysis, the data analysis strategy. Participants viewed the amnesty policy as being poorly conceived and implemented due to the many unintended negative consequences arising from the policy implementation. The key finding from the study indicates that both the sector and the Niger Delta region are worse off post the amnesty policy implementation. The study concludes that by adopting and implementing the study recommendations, stakeholders may be able to mitigate the identified unintended consequences, position the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector for sustainable growth, address the root causes of the militancy, and deliver a positive social change for the residents of Niger Delta.

This dissertation focuses on the status of women in Central Asian society, particularly in Kyrgyzstan, and the phenomena of the Kyrgyz family that is the central part of daily living of Kyrgyz people. We provide an introduction to the region, followed by an analysis of a social stratification of Kyrgyz society and a various types of families. The next chapter describes the three major historical periods and changes in women's position in the society. The first period spans up to 1917, its end marked by the Bolshevik coup. Until that time, The Kyrgyz society was nomadic, organized into tribes, clans, and large patriarchal families. The 1920's were tumultuous times for the Central Asian region, at that time newly dominated by the Soviet rule, undergoing industrialization, public education, experiencing improvements in health care, but on the other hand also confiscation, forced resettlement, and russification. New rights have been granted to women, however local patriarchal and feudal traditions persisted and continued in the local societies. After the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Kyrgyz people started returning to their national traditions and discrimination against women started to be openly discussed in the society. Our historical retrospective analysis explores the major types of Kyrgyz...