No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1991.

Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2005. / Advisor: Dr. Marilyn J. Young, Florida State University, College of Communication, Dept. of Communication. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 27, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 113 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Giovanna Brasil (1154060@mackenzie.br) on 2017-11-06T21:42:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Jorge Corrêa dos Santos Filho.pdf: 1276686 bytes, checksum: ac7a2b2d020b42a41019f7ce79cffcde (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Paola Damato (repositorio@mackenzie.br) on 2017-11-21T11:16:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Jorge Corrêa dos Santos Filho.pdf: 1276686 bytes, checksum: ac7a2b2d020b42a41019f7ce79cffcde (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-21T11:16:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Jorge Corrêa dos Santos Filho.pdf: 1276686 bytes, checksum: ac7a2b2d020b42a41019f7ce79cffcde (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-28 / The speech “I Have a Dream”, delivered by Martin Luther King, has echoed throughout the world over the years for political, social and religious reasons. Despite being a deeply studied text, this dissertation aims to approach it within the scope of a hermeneutical analysis of the discourse, seeking to better understand its pertinence and adequacy, both at the time of its pronouncement and in the present day. In its original context, Luther King's speech points to the struggle against racial segregation and the exclusion of civil rights of black Americans. The manner in which the speech and the objectives of the March for Rights and Labor were presented took over the US capital city with people aggrieved for suffering segregation and sensitive to this intolerant attitude. For this, this dissertation, as it aims a Hermeneutic Analysis of the Discourse, recovers historical, social, political and religious contexts. The present study also makes intertextual connections to other Luther King’s conferences, as well as with several moments in which the presence of the text of the Sacred Scriptures can be recognized. Finally, under a contemporary view, this research verifies the current relevance of the theme of "I Have a Dream", a discourse that is constantly re-contextualized and whose theme is always urgent. / O discurso I Have a Dream, proferido por Martin Luther King, tem ecoado pelos cantos do mundo, ao longo dos anos, por motivos políticos, sociais e religiosos. Apesar de ser um texto muito estudado, esta dissertação toma-o, para uma análise hermenêutica do discurso, com a finalidade de melhor compreender sua pertinência e adequação tanto à época de seu pronunciamento, quanto aos dias atuais. Em seu contexto originário, o discurso de Luther King aponta para a luta contra a segregação racial e a eliminação de direitos civis dos negros americanos. A forma como foram apresentados o discurso e os intentos da Marcha por Direitos e Trabalho povoou a capital dos EUA, com pessoas insatisfeitas, por sofrerem as segregações e outras por serem sensíveis a essa atitude intolerante. Para tanto, esta dissertação, ao fixar-se numa proposta de Análise Hermenêutica do Discurso, recupera os contextos histórico, social, político e religioso. O presente estudo faz, ainda, aproximações intertextuais com outras conferências de Luther King e também, com diversos momentos em que se pode reconhecer a presença do texto das Sagradas Escrituras. Por fim, com o olhar voltado para a contemporaneidade, esta pesquisa verifica a atualidade da temática de “I Have a Dream”, discurso que constantemente se retextualiza e cuja temática se faz sempre urgente.

Post-World War II public schools in Harlem, New York were segregated, under-resourced and educationally inequitable. Addressing disparities in education was of paramount importance for the socioeconomic mobility and future of the neighborhood. In an effort to understand how race, religion, community, and education intersected in this context, this dissertation answers the following research question: How did St. Philip’s, the first Black Episcopal church in the city and one of the most historic churches in Harlem, participate in education during the post-World War II period? Responding to and preventing inequities in the neighborhood, including the substandard state of the public schools, St. Philip’s served as an educational space and organizational base for the community. St. Philip’s participation accounts for the way a Black church emerged as a space for education when the public schools were foundering. The church’s ethos of education - community engagement - reframes traditional frameworks of teaching and learning beyond schoolhouse doors. During the postwar period, St. Philip’s expanded its in-house programming for Black children, youth and adults, constructing a new community youth center, where classes, tutoring, after-school activities, college counseling, career guidance, day-care, recreation and clubs were community staples. Understanding the importance of inclusivity, continuity and consistency, programming was accessible to the entire neighborhood, regardless of membership with year-round services such as summer camp and career counseling. As an organizational base, the church hosted education talks and committee meetings, facilitating a forum for the community to engage in critical conversations about the state of education. It was a safe space for transparency and troubleshooting. Concerns about education expanded beyond conversations in the church, however. St. Philip’s corresponded directly with city governance, petitioning school-makers with recommendations and demands. This dissertation broadens the traditional civil rights narrative of Black religious activism, which has the tendency to dichotomize who participated and how they participated. This polarization includes regions: North-South, religions: Christian-Muslim, figureheads: Martin Luther King, Jr.-Malcolm X, and strategies: peaceful-militant. Historians Charles Payne and Nikhil Pal Singh push back on this oversimplified interpretation as “King-centric.”* St. Philip’s educational activism foils this paradigm as a Black Episcopal institution in a northern city. St. Philip’s brings nuance to categorizations of Black churches as either being focused on the far-reaching goal of social transformation or compliant with conservative social philosophies based on respectability politics. Its participation was both radical (such as establishing educational programming at the Community youth center that was open to members and non-members alike, regardless of class, age, political or religious beliefs) and conservative (such as sitting out of the 1964 citywide school boycott, while the majority of the Black community participated). In this way, St. Philip’s educational activism in Harlem calls into question criticisms of the Black Episcopal Church that position it as elitist and accommodationist to white values and white power, hence, apathetic to the challenges facing the Black population in cities during the post-World War II period. *Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2004), 6; and Charles Payne, I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 419.

This thesis shows that because the Poor People’s Campaign was created by and operated within the formal structure of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) - a nonprofit organization - it was unable to achieve success by almost any measure. SCLC’s organizational structure made it extremely difficult to create a national campaign from the ground up, and its leadership strategy guaranteed that it would be virtually impossible to sustain that kind of national campaign.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis shows that because the Poor People’s Campaign was created by and operated within the formal structure of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) - a nonprofit organization - it was unable to achieve success by almost any measure. SCLC’s organizational structure made it extremely difficult to create a national campaign from the ground up, and its leadership strategy guaranteed that it would be virtually impossible to sustain that kind of national campaign.