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Brandt et Kissinger: Deux visions des relations internationalesMinatchev, Andrei. January 2001 (has links)
Thèses (M.A.)--Université de Sherbrooke (Canada), 2001. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 20 juillet 2006). Publié aussi en version papier.
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Richard Nixon and Europe confrontation and cooperation, 1969-1974 /Nichter, Luke A. January 2008 (has links)
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Bowling Green State University, 2008. / Document formatted into pages; contains v, 277 p. Includes bibliographical references.
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Equivocal engagement: Kissinger, Silveira and the politics of US-Brazil Relations 1969-1983 (Introduction)Spektor, Matias 01 December 2007 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2007-12-01
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The 1969 Summit within the Japan-US security treaty system : a two-level approachBristow, Alexander January 2011 (has links)
This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography
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