After the October Revolution of 1917, one of the primary aims of the Bolshevik Party was the creation of the New Soviet Man and Woman. In the view of the Party, young people, who were presumably more malleable and less influenced by the countrys tsarist past, were the most logical group to become this new Soviet person. This thesis examines the relationship between the Bolshevik Party and young people in the 1920s. It discusses the methods the Party took to influence young people, including the restructuring of the countrys school system, the creation of a national youth organization, the Communist League of Youth (Komsomol), and the development of recreational and leisure activities intended to teach youth the values and behaviours appropriate to Communists. It also examines the experiences of youth under the regime, with attention paid to the different experiences had by urban youth as opposed to rural youth, and young men as distinct from young women. Finally, the thesis attempts to assess the degree to which the Bolshevik Party was successful in creating believers among young people.

After the October Revolution of 1917, one of the primary aims of the Bolshevik Party was the creation of the New Soviet Man and Woman. In the view of the Party, young people, who were presumably more malleable and less influenced by the countrys tsarist past, were the most logical group to become this new Soviet person. This thesis examines the relationship between the Bolshevik Party and young people in the 1920s. It discusses the methods the Party took to influence young people, including the restructuring of the countrys school system, the creation of a national youth organization, the Communist League of Youth (Komsomol), and the development of recreational and leisure activities intended to teach youth the values and behaviours appropriate to Communists. It also examines the experiences of youth under the regime, with attention paid to the different experiences had by urban youth as opposed to rural youth, and young men as distinct from young women. Finally, the thesis attempts to assess the degree to which the Bolshevik Party was successful in creating believers among young people.

Jaunimas, dažnai neturėdama ekonominės nepriklausomybės, yra ypatingoje įvairių problemų sankirtoje, todėl valstybė formuodama jaunimo politiką, siekia palengvinti jaunų žmonių socializaciją bei ugdyti aktyvius savo piliečius. Vienas instrumentų yra švietimo sistema. Sovietų Sąjunga turėjo aiškią jaunimo ugdymo kryptį – jie turėjo tapti ateities komunizmo statytojais. Tad Lietuva išgyveno sunkų permainų laikotarpį po Nepriklausomybės atkūrimo, nes buvęs formalus ir neformalus švietimas buvo persmelktas komunistinių idėjų, o dauguma mokinių priklausė spaliukų, pionierių ar komjaunuolių organizacijoms. Neformalus ugdymas buvo masinis ir priverstinis, tačiau demokratiškoje šalyje jis turėjo būti paremtas laisvu ir individualiu pasirinkimu tam, kad prisidėtų prie asmens kapitalų plėtojimo, remiantis P. Bourdieu teorija. Tyrimo tikslas – išanalizuoti, kokia yra jaunimo neformalaus ugdymo praktika ir modelis Lietuvoje – Sovietmečiu ir po Nepriklausomybės, bei ištirti kokie yra 13-15 m. amžiaus moksleivių patirtys, galimybės ir poreikiai dalyvaujant neformaliame ugdyme. Empiriniam tyrimui pasirinkta viena Kauno vidurinių mokyklų, kurioje žvalgomojo kiekybinio tyrimo metu apklausta 115 moksleivių iš 8-9 kl., iš kurių vėliau atrinkta 16 informantų. Dalyvavimas neformalaus ugdymo veikloje priklauso nuo pasiūlos, moksleivių informavimo bei motyvacijos dalyvauti. Iš visų apklaustųjų vaikų 33,9% niekur nedalyvavo, 21,7% lankė mokyklos būrelius, už mokyklos - 52,2%, jaunimo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Youth, usually not having economical independency, is in a special crossing of various problems. Therefore government strives to facilitate their socialisation and develop active citizens when forming youth politics. Educational system is one of the means to achieve this. Soviet system had an obvious direction in youth education - they were seen as future communism builders. Lithuania has had a hard time since its independency due to the fact, that both, formal and non-formal education was soaked through with communistic ideology and most of the schoolchildren belonged to communist organizations. Non-formal education had been mass and comprehensive while in a democracy it should be based on a free and individual choice in order to contribute to personal forms of capital development, referring to P. Bourdieu theory. Research objective is to analyze youth non-formal education practice and model in Lithuania in Soviet times and since the independency and to investigate experiences, needs and possibilities of the first youth group in non-formal education. Empirical survey was chosen to perform in one of Kaunas secondary schools, where 115 schoolchildren were surveyed by means of exploratory quantitative survey method, resulting in 16 candidates selected for further research. Involvement in non-formal education activities depends on supply, conveyance and motivation to attend. Out of all the interviewed children 33,9% were not involved into any organization, 21,7% were involved in... [to full text]

This thesis examines propaganda and educational campaigns in the Brezhnev-era USSR, where the Party-state continued the longstanding Soviet attempt to form the country's youth into conscientious builders and defenders of communism. Focusing on the military, military-historical and physical-cultural activity that the state identified as areas of strategic importance in a period of intensifying competition with the capitalist world, the thesis analyses the interactions between propaganda and its producers, and the ordinary and extraordinary young people at whom it was aimed. It finds that state agencies and organisations of the Brezhnev era followed tradition in employing heroic motifs and discourses to elicit heroic behaviour amongst the population, often seeking to apply themes and material from earlier periods directly to the situation of late-1960s and 1970s youth. In particular, propaganda emphasised the importance of both models of wartime heroism, and the characteristics articulated in the 1961 Moral Code of the Builder of Communism - but in a political and social environment now much changed from those in which they had originally emerged. The thesis begins with a study of material surrounding the reinstatement of universal conscription after Khrushchev's army reforms, before examining youth involvement in one of the flagship military-patriotic education campaigns of the period. The second part of the thesis then shifts the focus to a more symbolic, yet no less significant site of the 'defence of the honour of the Motherland': the international sporting arena, particularly during the 1972 Olympiads in 'hostile' West Germany and Japan. Through a case study of coverage of the gymnast Olga Korbut, the thesis argues that, while propaganda-makers still sought to control the Soviet definition of 'heroism', conditions increasingly allowed for the emergence of celebrity and a popular heroism based more on self-advancement and public acclaim than on established Soviet ethical models.

Entre 1948 et 1950, la presse d'URSS mène une campagne visant à augmenter la discipline dans le soccer soviétique et à affermir l'éducation politique dans ce sport. L'historiographie de l'école totalitaire voit dans le phénomène sportif soviétique une manifestation de l'omnipotence d'un régime qui emploie le succès sportif comme un outil de propagande pour asseoir sa légitimité. Cependant, des travaux plus récents sur l'histoire du sport en URSS se sont intéressés à la signification sociale et culturelle de celui-ci et en ont esquissé un portrait plus nuancé. Le sport est un élément de la culture populaire qui, malgré la mainmise du régime soviétique sur ce dernier, se prête à une appropriation et à une redéfinition par la population. Compte tenu de l'ancrage ouvrier du soccer auprès de sa base de partisans et la popularité croissante de ce sport dans l'après-guerre, le présent mémoire lie la question de l'encadrement disciplinaire de ce sport dans la presse à la situation particulière des ouvriers en URSS durant la campagne d'éducation politique dans le sport. Plus précisément, alors que la main-d'œuvre industrielle soviétique connaît un fort renouvellement suite à la guerre et que le régime est aux prises avec des problèmes endémiques de discipline de travail (principalement chez les jeunes recrues ouvrières), ce mémoire met en lumière l'articulation du discours au sujet du soccer et du discours disciplinaire à l'endroit des jeunes ouvriers dans la Komsomol'skaâ pravda (journal du Komsomol, l'organisation jeunesse du régime). À travers cette étude, c'est la volonté de suppléer à une discipline de travail par une discipline de loisir qui ressort, inscrivant le sport soviétique dans une perspective paneuropéenne, et non comme un avatar du totalitarisme, sans que l'on puisse faire abstraction du contexte particulier dans lequel celui-ci s'est développé. Au final, le présent mémoire illustre à travers l'étude de cette campagne comment le traitement de cet important élément de la culture ouvrière dans la presse du Komsomol diffuse des techniques d'individualisation et d'autodiscipline propres à l'URSS et amène le football à contribuer discursivement à un aplanissement des divisions identitaires d'une société morcelée après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : URSS, culture populaire, football (soccer), ouvriers, Komsomol, Komsomol'skaâ pravda.