La Louisiane présente la particularité de posséder la seule agence d’État dont le rôle consiste à préserver et diffuser une langue minoritaire, en l’occurrence le français. Le CODOFIL (Conseil pour le Développement du Français en Louisiane) fut créé en 1968 par la loi 409 du Congrès de Louisiane. Son président fondateur, James « Jimmy » Domengeaux était persuadé que la réintroduction du français dans les écoles, à raison de trente minutes quotidiennes (dans le cadre d’un programme de Français Langue Seconde ou FLS), permettrait de freiner le déclin de cette langue, chassée des établissements scolaires par la constitution de 1921. Sa décision d’importer un corps enseignant étranger, majoritairement issu de France, de Belgique et du Québec afin d’enseigner le français international et non le vernaculaire louisianais, allait entraîner une rupture profonde entre la population francophone et le CODOFIL, sans pour autant ralentir la baisse du nombre de locuteurs cadiens. Cette situation poussait alors certains chefs d’établissement et parents d’élèves, dans les années 1980, à demander la création de programmes d’immersion française où les élèves reçoivent un enseignement des matières principales en français. Le succès constant de ces programmes (ils scolarisent aujourd’hui plus de 3.400 élèves en Louisiane) devrait logiquement en faire le fer de lance de l’action du CODOFIL car, au contraire du programme de FLS (dont les effectifs sont pourtant six fois plus importants), les classes d’immersion produisent véritablement des francophones. Une enquête présentée dans ce travail et menée auprès de 49 professeurs étrangers exerçant dans ces classes montre que tel n’est pas le cas et que le CODOFIL ne s’implique pas dans le volet pédagogique relatif aux programmes d’immersion et laissent aux enseignants étrangers le soin d’inclure, ou non, des séquences à vocation identitaire dans leur progression, tâche pour laquelle ils ne reçoivent aucune formation émanant du CODOFIL. Ce dernier se contente d’un rôle administratif de pourvoyeur de visas. La conséquence majeure de cette politique est l’absence presque totale de la langue et de la culture cadiennes dans les salles de classe. Une loi adoptée en juin 2010 par le Congrès de Louisiane, alors que ce travail de recherche était en cours, est venue modifier la mission du CODOFIL et établir l’enseignement immersif comme un de ses objectifs prioritaires : le législateur considère désormais que diffusion du français, programmes d’immersion et intérêt économique de l’État sont étroitement liés. / Louisiana is the only state in the USA to possess a public agency whose role consists in protecting and transmitting a minority language, namely French. CODOFIL (Council for the Development of French in Louisiana) was created in 1968 by an act of the Louisiana legislature. Its founder and first president James “Jimmy” Domengeaux held that the reintroduction of French in the schools of Louisiana with daily 30-minute classes (French as a Second Language program or FLS) would slow down the constant decline of this language that had been banned by the 1921 constitution. Domengeaux’s decision to import foreign teachers from France, Belgium and Quebec to teach international French and not the Louisianan variety that he deemed unfit for the classroom was to leave the cajun population displeased and resentful towards CODOFIL, while the number of French speakers kept falling. This situation led some school principals and parent support groups in the 1980’s to demand a change of policy and the creation of immersion. Instead of studying French as in the FLS program, pupils are taught the main subjects in French. Given the growing success of those immersion programs (they now comprise more than 3400 pupils in Louisiana) which churn out real French speakers (unlike the FLS programs and their 18 000 pupils), CODOFIL should be expected to focus its core action on them. A survey presented in this work and conducted with 49 French Associate Teachers (FAT) shows that CODOFIL is not, leaving the FATs to their own devices when it comes to teaching Cajun culture and language. Generally ignorant of those features when they arrive in Louisiana, they are deprived of a serious training. CODOFIL is content with its administrative role consisting in delivering. The main consequence of this policy is the near total absence of cajun culture and language in the classroom. A recent and unexpected act of the Louisiana legislature (June 2010), adopted while this work was still under way, is meant to radically alter the mission of CODOFIL and establish the immersion programs as a high priority: the transmission of French, immersion classes and the economic interest of the state are now regarded as closely linked.

Using portraiture methodology and social practice theory, this study examined the identity work of young people engaged in a teen arts internship program at a contemporary arts center in post-Katrina New Orleans. This research asked four interrelated questions. Through the lens of a teen arts internship at a contemporary arts center in post-Katrina New Orleans, 1) How do contextual figured worlds influence artist identity work? 2) How does artist identity work manifest through personal narratives? 3) How does artist identity work manifest in activities? 4) What are the consequences of artist identity work? The findings of the study highlight how sociocultural factors influence dis/identification with the visual arts in young people and provoke considerations of in/equity in the arts.

In restaurants, dance halls, and travel brochures around the world, the word “Cajun” brings to mind a plethora of significations related to flavorful foods, exotic language, and geographical affiliation with South Louisiana— but what exactly is “Cajun” anyway? How has “Cajun” emerged as a community, culture, and identity? Who are the Cajuns today? This thesis rereads “Cajun history” in the larger context of Créole Louisiana, tracing issues of class, language, colonization, racialization, and modernization from Colonial Louisiana through 2020. This is accomplished with the aid of literary analyses, including authors such as Cable, Chopin, de la Houssaye, and Arceneaux, films such as Louisiana Story, and folk stereotype humor in the form of Boudreaux and Thibodeaux jokes. The thesis introduces postcolonial theoretical frameworks of mimicry, fixity, hybridity and créolization as methods for understanding the oft-forgotten historical relationality of identities, cultures, and languages in Southern Louisiana. In the 1970s Caribbean writers such as Édouard Glissant put forward the unfinished and unpredictable creativity of the historical, geographical, and anthropological space of Creole society and culture from the Antillean point of view. In a similar move, my introduction of the theory of creolization to Louisiana history seeks to wrestle back the power of Acadie or even France as the fundamental matrix of non-Anglophone culture, history, and identity in Louisiana. Instead, the complex perspective of Creolité threatens the stability of these origin myths, revitalizing our concept of history, culture, and identity in the localized touchstone of South Louisiana, while understanding that this localized perspective is always already an ongoing production at the borders of culture(s) in contact. Ultimately, I argue that Southern Louisiana since colonization has consistently been a site of créolization, destabilizing claims of Acadianness as the sole figurehead for francophone or franco-créolophone identity in the region. / Graduate / 2021-09-19

When a powerful and ambitious nation peacefully transfers almost 600,000,000 acres to a comparatively insignificant nation, the event deserves careful scrutiny and evaluation. The Louisiana Purchase of 1803 was such a transaction. Although events and personalities surrounding the Purchase were complex and numerous, the one factor to be examined here is the role of American diplomacy. The problem is to determine the influence American diplomacy had in securing the Louisiana Purchase.

Southeast Louisiana is susceptible to the impact of subsidence due to natural and anthropogenic processes including sediment compaction and loading, fluid withdrawal, and faulting. Subsidence rates in Southeast Louisiana are higher than anywhere else in the United States, and the impact of subsidence rates on industrial complexes has not been studied. Spatial interpolation methods were analyzed to determine the best fit for subsidence rates and to create a predictive surface for the lower Mississippi River Industrial corridor (LMRIC). Empirical Bayesian kriging, ordinary kriging, universal kriging, and inverse distance weighted interpolation methods were applied to the 2004 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) published Technical Report #50 dataset and cross-validation methods were utilized to determine the accuracy of each method. The mean error and root mean square error were calculated for each interpolation method, then used to detect bias and compare the predicted value with the actual observation value. Cross-validation estimates are comparable for each method statistically and visually; however, the results indicate the empirical Bayesian kriging interpolation method is the most accurate of the methods using the lowest mean error and root mean square error scores. Digital elevation models for the years 2025, 2050, and 2075 were developed based on the predictive surface of subsidence rates using the results from the empirical Bayesian kriging interpolation method. Results indicate that by 2025, 31.4% of landmass in the LMRIC will be below 0 m NAVD88, with 40.4% below 0 m NAVD88 by 2050, and 51.8% by 2075. Subsidence rates in the LMRIC range from approximately 16 mm to less than one mm per year. Nine of the 122 industrial complexes located in the LMRIC are estimated to be below 0 m NAVD88 by the year 2075. Limited economic impacts can be inferred based on the number of facilities impacted; however, service disruptions due to subsidence impacting infrastructure surrounding these industrial complexes would have catastrophic economic impacts on a regional, state, and national level.

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This dissertation examines social, political, and cultural dimensions of displacement, resettlement planning, and climate change adaptation policy experimentation along Louisiana’s Gulf Coast. I draw upon four years of ethnographic research alongside Isle de Jean Charles Biloxi-Chitimacha-Choctaw Tribal leaders, during a period just before and after their resettlement plans garnered $48 million in federal financial support. Through participant observation and interviews with Tribal leaders, their allies, media-makers who covered the Tribe’s experiences, and state planners tasked with administering the federal funds, I examined social encounters produced as the Tribe’s resettlement plans were embraced, circulated, and transformed throughout international media and policy. My analysis points to a number of tensions expressed as Tribal community-driven efforts to address historically produced vulnerabilities collided with government efforts to reduce exposure to coastal environmental hazards. I describe how policies, planning practices, and particular constructions of disaster and community encumbered Tribal leaders’ long-standing struggle for recognition, self-determination and sovereignty, land, and cultural survival. Ultimately, I argue that the state’s allocation of federal resettlement funds has reproduced a colonial frontier dynamic whereby redevelopment is rested upon the erasure of Indigenous histories; identities; and ongoing struggles for self- determination, land, and cultural survival. Using ethnography to interrogate the social encounters produced through adaptation may inform policies, planning processes, and activism in solidarity with those already regenerating social and ecological relationships threatened by racial capitalism, settler colonialism, and climate change. / Anthropology

The variation in the carbon isotope composition of the cap rock of Texas and Louisiana sulphur wells was investigated by means of a simultaneous collection mass spectrometer. These rocks showed anomalously large depletions in C-13. The isotope depletion in the decarboxylation of pyruvic acid, both by chemical means and by bacteria, was measured and the isotope composition of the carbon dioxide released was found to be similar to that of the cap rock. The hypothesis is advanced that the carbonate of the cap rock may have originated by the precipitation of carbon dioxide released in the bacterial decarboxylation of an organic substrate. / Thesis / Master of Science (MSc)