A comparative content analysis was conducted to determine whether the Russian (ITAR-TASS) and the American (UPI) wire service coverage of President Boris Yeltsin in the April 25, 1993, referendum was balanced and unbiased. Also, the amount of space dedicated to this topic was measured. Study results indicate that ITAR-TASS was more critical of Yeltsin prior to the referendum than UPI, and that there was no statistically important difference between the two wire services in their post referendum coverage. UPI articles were almost 30% longer than the ITAR-TASS articles. Each UPI article was on an average more than 220 words longer than were the ITAR-TASS articles.

In the study of contemporary politics few interstate relationships have proven more instrumental, controversial, and perplexing to global policy makers than that which has persisted between Moscow and Tehran since the collapse of the USSR. Despite the great importance of Russian-Iranian relations to questions of global and regional politics there has, to date, been very little in the way of critical scholarship performed on the subject. While a wide-array of accounts from subject analysts provide a wealth of data on contemporary and historical events which have presumably defined and conditioned bilateral relations, there has been relatively little effort to isolate, examine, test, and evaluate those conditions or variables that are deemed salient to cooperation. In light of these circumstances, this study seeks to initiate a tradition of scholarship on Russian-Iranian relations that appeals broadly to the use of a scientific methodology. The first step of any scientific inquiry requires attention devoted expressly to the development of a dependent variable of bilateral political affinity. While it remains outside the scope of this present investigation to analyze the host of factors/conditions capable of influencing bilateral relations, the formalization of a variable which records changing political affinity is a necessary first step and one that will fill-in a significant gap within the existing literary tradition. Rather than simply dismissing the extant tradition of literature on Russian-Iranian relations, this study seeks to aggregate and transform the subject's many diverse narratives into a user-friendly, quantitative, political metric which can form the basis for future empirical inquiry. Thus this study introduces a new approach to monitoring and measuring changes in Russian-Iranian cooperation known as General Political Affinity (GPA). Represented on the basis of a 21-point scaled indicator of bilateral affinity, GPA succinctly defines cooperation between Moscow and Tehran as the summation of three underlying, persistent issue dimensions: the trade in conventional weapons; cooperation in Iranian nuclear development; and level of agreement on matters of Caspian Sea delimitation. In more generic terms, these three criteria seek to evaluate interstate cooperation, generically, as a product of: defense cooperation; state-sponsored development assistance; and territorial agreement. The unique approach to operationalizing political affinity presented in this study not only functionally improves our ability to explain and predict the course of Russian-Iranian relations, but also provides a new schematic for evaluating bilateral relations among all political dyads.

Microservice architecture is an emerging paradigm that has been unceasingly adopted by large organizations to develop flexible, agile, and distributed applications. This architecture involves breaking a large monolithic application into multiple services that can be deployed and scaled autonomously. Moreover, it helps to improve the resiliency and fault tolerance of a large-scale distributed application. However, this architecture is not without challenges. It increases the number of services communicating with each other, leading to an increased surface of attack. To overcome the security vulnerabilities, it is important that the communication between the services must be secured. Service Mesh is increasingly embraced to resolve the security challenges of microservices and facilitate secure and reliable communication. It is a dedicated infrastructure layer on top of microservices responsible for their networking logic. It uses sidecar proxies to ensure secure and encrypted communication between the services. This thesis studies different deployment models of service meshes, identifies the reasons for federating heterogeneous service meshes, investigates the existing problems faced during the federation process, and proposes a solution to achieve a secure federation between heterogeneous service meshes, i.e., Istio and Consul. The security of the proposed solution was evaluated against the basic security requirements, such as Authenticity, Confidentiality, and Integrity. The evaluation results proved the solution to be secure and feasible for implementation. / Microservice är ett framväxande paradigm som oavbrutet har anammats av stora organisationer för att utveckla flexibla, agila och distribuerade applikationer. denna arkitektur innebär att dela upp en stor monolitisk applikation i flera tjänster som kan distribueras och skalas autonomt. Dessutom hjälper det till att förbättra motståndskraften och feltolerans för en storskalig distribuerad applikation. Men denna arkitektur är inte utan utmaningar. Det ökar antalet tjänster som kommunicerar med varandra, vilket leder till en ökad attackyta. För att övervinna säkerhetsproblemet nerabiliteter är det viktigt att kommunikationen mellan tjänsterna måste säkra. Service Mesh anammas alltmer för att lösa säkerhetsutmaningarna med microservice och underlätta säker och pålitlig kommunikation. Det är en dedikerad infrastruktur lager ovanpå mikrotjänster som ansvarar för deras nätverkslogik. Den använder sidovagn fullmakter för att säkerställa säker och krypterad kommunikation mellan tjänsterna. Detta avhandlingen studerar olika utbyggnadsmodeller av servicenät, identifierar orsakerna för att förena heterogena servicenät, undersöker de befintliga problemen som står inför under förbundsprocessen, och föreslår en lösning för att uppnå en säker federation mellan heterogena tjänstemaskor, d. v. s. Istio och Consul. Säkerheten för prolösningen utvärderades mot de grundläggande säkerhetskraven, såsom Autentticitet, konfidentialitet och integritet. Utvärderingsresultaten visade att lösningen var säker och genomförbar för implementering.

No / This article examines recent organising successes in the Carbones del Cerrejón coal mine, reversing the organisational crisis of the Colombian mining union, Sintracarbon. Using Wever's concept of ‘field-enlarging strategies’, we argue that these events were facilitated by the dissemination of organising experiences between affiliates of a Global Union Federation, International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM), which recently merged to form IndustriALL. Additionally, we argue that this articulation between international and national unions, based on the principle of subsidiarity, was facilitated through sustained ICEM educational project activity, providing multiple entry points for Sintracarbon to operationalise its strategy and re-establish bargaining with multinational employers.

No description available.

International Telemetering Conference Proceedings / October 25-28, 1999 / Riviera Hotel and Convention Center, Las Vegas, Nevada / This paper focuses on the development of the Surface-to-Air Missile Federation (SAM Fed), a Test and Evaluation (T&E) High Level Architecture (HLA) federation. The SAM Fed evolved from a legacy constructive real time/post mission hardware-in-the-loop (HITL) Surface-to-Air Missile (SAM) simulation. The process to transition from a standalone simulation to a distributed HLA federation as well as the problems experienced and lessons learned will be presented. This paper will also discuss the merit of standardizing internal federate interfaces to facilitate reuse.

"Employers, Unite!" argues that the anti-union campaign of Progressive-Era organized employers molded in crucial ways the shape of labor relations in the United States, and that to understand the development of ideas about work, business, and labor unions, we need to understand how these employers gained and wielded political and societal power.The study concentrates on the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), which spearheaded what it termed the "open-shop'' campaign. Focusing attention on the unions' demand for the closed or union shop, the NAM shifted the debate over labor relations from workplace conditions to the legitimacy of unions as representatives of workers, identifying not employers but union leaders as the source of injustices.At the heart of the study is an analysis of over 100 active members of the NAM, organized through a relational database constructed with the help of recently digitized materials like local histories and biographical compendia. Besides basic information like company size or demographics, the database maps information about NAM members' social and political contacts. Substantial archival materials further ground the study's analysis of the NAM's structure and influence.Research on the membership has allowed me to uncover information that focusing on the leadership would not have revealed. For example, I have found that a high percentage of active NAM members were party activists and officials, mostly in the Republican party; their positions in the party hierarchy gave them influence over political nominations and Congressional committee appointments. Active NAM members also regularly had personal contacts to politicians ranging from governors to Senators; these contacts further bolstered the Association's power, enabling it to torpedo much of labor's legislative project.The study also compares the NAM to other business organizations, especially the National Civic Federation (NCF). The NCF promoted cooperation with moderate unions, a position which the NAM frequently and vehemently criticized. Rhetorical differences, however, masked an underlying agreement among businessmen regarding the undesirability of unions. The rhetorical disjuncture between the organizations served to constrain debate on labor relations: the NAM's stridency made the NCF appear genuinely progressive and thereby undercut other, more far-reaching critiques of existing workplace relations.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

The purpose of this study is (1) to determine the fundamental differences in the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association and (2) to evaluate these organizations in terms of criteria basic to the organization of any group. It is hoped that a microscopic analysis and evaluation of these two teacher organizations, representing both union and non-union groups, will cast some beneficial light upon weaknesses and strong points of both groups and result in recommendations which will be of benefit in the work of individual teachers as well as to the organizations.

Although the German-American Bund received extensive press coverage during its existence and monographs of American politics in the 1930's refer to the Bund's activities, there has been no thorough examination of the charge that the Bund was a fifth column organization responsible to German authorities. This six-chapter study traces the Bund's history with an emphasis on determining the motivation of Bundists and the nature of the relationship between the Bund and the Third Reich. The conclusions are twofold. First, the Third Reich repeatedly discouraged the Bundists and attempted to dissociate itself from the Bund. Second, the Bund's commitment to Deutschtum through its endeavors to assist the German nation and the Third Reich contributed to American hatred of National Socialism.