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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02

O inimigo interno foi uma figura central na cena social e Política da América Latina na segunda metade do século XX. Ele se apresentou como a razão de uma necessária mudança no Sistema político e econômico de muitos países, um objeto cuja busca requereu a adaptação das instituições e, mais em geral, uma série de mudanças estruturais nas sociedades latino -americanas. Para o Brasil, como também para outros países, este objeto que apareceu nos anos sessenta - setenta tão claro e sólido não surgius, depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial, com o advento da Guerra Fria. Pode dizer - se que a preocupação com o perigo relacionado com um inimigo posicionado dentro do próprio território, já estava presente nos Governos populistas dos anos 30, se não antes. Isto não quer dizer que o “inimigo interno” dos anos 30 ou anteriores, corresponderia ao inimigo interno que vai ser o protagonista dos anos 60 e 70; mesmo encontrando semelhanças, eles envolvem diferentes lógicas de aparição. Estas diferenças salientam, portanto, a necessidade de, uma vez escolhido como objeto o inimigo, indagar sobre alguns temas, de entre os quais a relação entre a Instituição Militar e o Estado, entre o “mundo” militar e o mundo civil, bem como o conceito de segurança e o seu uso, mantendo bem claro que qualquer uma destas construções é histórica (sujeita, portanto, as mudanças do tempo) e que ganha seu sentido somente se posta em relação com as outras.

Research on import-substitution industrialisation (ISI) in Latin America continues to portray it as an aberration of state-led development inevitably condemned to failure and held up as an example of the mistakes scholars and policymakers must avoid. In this thesis, however, I show that this misunderstanding of a “model” that lasted several decades and brought gains to a wide array of socioeconomic actors is due to an inability of leading approaches – those that focus on institutions, ideas, and class – to understand the role of labour. Drawing on detailed primary and secondary empirical evidence on leading sectors in Chile and Argentina, my central claim is that workers determined the trajectories of ISI by contesting the effect of strategies pursued by firms and the state within the workplace. I show that ISI was no aberration, but that it comprised an intrinsically purposive set of strategies aimed at ameliorating or suppressing the real and potential resistance mobilised by workers. Through a novel theoretical synthesis, bringing into IPE innovations from critical labour relations theory, Marxist development studies, institutional theories of ideas, and Latin American labour history, I overcome the predominant perspective on labour that conceptualises workers' as inherently disruptive, but institutionally far weaker than other societal actors. The problem with such a view, I argue, is not that labour is absent, but rather that the way in which it has been understood leaves workers with little or no influence over a process that simply unfolded beyond their control. In this thesis, the result is a counter-narrative on the history of ISI in Chile and Argentina, with the relationship between measures aimed at establishing control over labour and the resistance this engendered firmly at the fore.

acase@tulane.edu / This dissertation examines space in 21st century cultural artifacts from Latin America, including narrative and film. My contention is that cultural artifacts from Latin America oscillate between advocacy for cosmopolitan globality and contestation of globalizing forces, making space the theater of the political. I focus on the tension between the global and the national, and how space helps understand the way in which cultural products imagine globalization. The first chapter explains the concepts of ‘place’ and ‘non-place’ theorized by cultural anthropologist Marc Augé. Then, it uses Augé’s categories to examine the representation of the political tension between globalization and the nation-state in an analysis of the novel Zanahorias voladoras (2004) by the Colombian Antonio Ungar (1974-), by focusing on the relationship between trauma, nation and globalization. In the second chapter, I discuss the work of geographer Doreen Massey to explain the importance of understanding how globalization affects different subjectivities in different ways. Then, I analyze Passageiro do fim do dia (2010) by the Brazilian author Rubens Figueiredo (1956-), especially the space of a bus where most of the novel take place, as places of contestation to the globalizing processes that exclude certain subjectivities. Finally, I read the film El hombre de al lado (2009) by Argentine directors Mariano Cohn (1975-) and Gastón Duprat (1969-) as an allegory of the tension between the national and the global, highlighting spatiality and positionality as important categories to understand Latin American cultural production. The third chapter proposes an understanding of mobility using the category dislocated subjects, which I derive from work of sociologist Zygmunt Bauman. In Hotel Pekín (2008) by Colombian author Santiago Gamboa (1965-), the protagonist Frank Michalski is a dislocated subject due to the complex relationship to his past as a former Colombian national and his current life as a global-trotting executive. In Azul-Corvo (2010) by Brazilian writer Adriana Lisboa (1970-), the protagonist is a dislocated subject, as she moves from Brazil to the United States to look for her biological father. At the end, the novel proposes dislocation as a possible community of transnational, transcultural and multilingual identities. / 1 / Camilo A. Malagon

The aim of this dissertation is to analyze Latin American play texts (1970-2006), within their historical and geographical framework, under a queer theoretical lens. What I specifically focus my analysis on are destabilized identities through the play text's performative construction of gender as well as the theatricality. A queer theoretical dialogue not only breaks with the compulsory gay and feminist criticism, under which these plays have been categorized, but also allows for a (re)conceptualization of queer performativities in Latin American Theatre.

This research addresses the question under what conditions will rank and file legislators favor or oppose changes in a legislature’s internal rules of order. The study deviates from previous approaches to the study of legislatures in four primary ways: 1) the study moves from advanced democratized cases of the U.S. Congress and British House of Commons to cases of neo-democracies; 2) the study considers the interaction between the design of the electoral system and its impact on legislature organization; 3) in addition to chamber level factors, party and individual level factors are considered; and 4) the theory considers when legislators will rebel against attempts by party leadership to alter the internal rules of order. The central question focused on is what factors influence legislators’ willingness to speak out or vote against changes in the internal rules of order following a change in the electoral system design. The theory proposed that when it comes to changing the internal rules of order of a legislative chamber, the effective number of parties in the chamber, the effect of proposed changes in the rules of order on legislator behavior, party discipline, and the nature of legislator ambition affect the probability that change occurs. Experimental and statistical methodologies are used to test the hypotheses derived from the theory. Original data were collected from experiments conducted on undergraduate pupils at Texas A&M University. For the statistical analyses, a data set of proposed changes in the rules of order were compiled using archived data from the Colombian Senate and Peruvian Congress. This multi-method approach was used because of the nature of the question under examination and to minimize limitations of the individual methodologies. The experimental analyses demonstrate that the operations of the theory are supported in the controlled environment of the experiment. The results from the statistical analyses were, within the restrictions imposed by the data, consistent with both theoretical expectations and the experimental findings. The most consistent factor influencing change in the rules of order is the effect of the proposal followed by party discipline.