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No. of bitstreams: 2 Paideia e cultura politica nas galias os panegiricos latinos e as moedas como vetores dos rituais da Basileia seculo IV DC.pdf: 4477209 bytes, checksum: 96da4e559be4062e3cbc78790c0d22c4 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / CAPES / O sistema político que toma forma no final do século III, o Dominato, permanece como uma estrutura centralizada ao longo de todo o século IV. Entre as mais variadas instâncias em que o Estado Romano intervém naquele momento – desde a administração pública até a organização eclesiástica – é nosso interesse abordar as relações de poder que se manifestam durante os rituais da basileia, a realeza sagrada característica da Antiguidade Tardia. Por ocasião das cerimônias públicas, como, por exemplo, o aduentus, quando as elites citadinas se preparavam para recepcionar o imperador e buscavam com isso estreitar os contatos com a casa imperial, eram declamados discursos laudatórios em homenagem ao soberano. Em resposta à recepção dos citadinos, era praxe que o imperador distribuísse moedas comemorativas, outro elemento indispensável da cerimônia. Assim, da conjugação entre discursos de natureza literária e de natureza imagética, emergiam os rituais da realeza romana na época tardia, como buscamos demonstrar na presente tese. O corpus de discursos laudatórios selecionado na realização da pesquisa intitula-se Panegíricos Latinos e inclui obras que vão desde 289 até 389, o que define o nosso intervalo temporal. Os panegiristas eram autores advindos das escolas de retórica das Gálias, e o tema das obras estava ligado aos eventos ocorridos dessa região, o que delimita nosso campo espacial de investigação a duas cidades em especial, Augustodunum e Burdigala. O corpus numismático, em contrapartida, foi selecionado com base na datação dos panegíricos, compreendendo cerimônias que aconteceram nas Gálias durante a Tetrarquia, no governo de Constantino, no de Juliano e no de Teodósio. Nesta tese, analisamos o papel desempenhado pelas moedas e pelos panegíricos como vetores que auxiliam diretamente na construção do sistema político imperial. As primeiras porque manifestam os símbolos, inscrições e imagens que o imperador pretendia difundir, agregando os súditos em torno da política em curso; os segundos porque, elaborados conforme as regras da paideia, eram capazes não apenas de exprimir as expectativas dos oradores com relação ao poder imperial, mas também de veicular desejos, anseios e reivindicações conectadas com a própria localidade do orador, no caso, as Gálias. Com isso, foi possível compreender o Dominato para além de um sistema de dominação, constatando que as relações de poder que emergem dos rituais da basileia envolvem uma cultura política que conjuga interesses e alianças da corte, dos grupos regionais e das elites das cidades. / The Dominato, a political system that takes shape in the Late Third Century, remains as a centralized structure throughout the Fourth Century. Among the various instances in which the Roman State normally intervened at that time – from public administration to the ecclesiastical organization – we intend to address the power struggles brought out during the rituals of basileia, the sacred royalty that is characteristic of the Late Antiquity period. On the occasion of public ceremonies, like the aduentus, when city elites were preparing to welcome the Emperor in an attempt to strengthen their bonds with the imperial house, laudatory speeches were recited in his honor. In response to the citizen’s reception, it was customary for the emperor to distribute commemorative coins, another essential element of the ceremony. Thus, as we demonstrate in this thesis, the rituals of The Roman Royalty in Late Antiquity emerged from the combination between discourses of literary and imagery nature. The corpus of laudatory speeches selected for our research is entitled Panegyrici Latini and includes works ranging from 289 to 389, thus delimiting our temporal interval. The panegyrists were authors originated from the rhetorical schools of Gaul, and the theme of their works is linked to events taken place in this region, thus confining our spatial field of investigation to two cities in particular: Augustodunum and Burdigala. The numismatic corpus, in contrast, was selected based on the dating of the eulogies, comprising ceremonies that took place in Gaul during the Tetrarchy, the government of Constantine, Julian and Theodosius. In the present thesis, we analyze the role of coinage and panegyrics as vectors which directly assisted in the construction of the Imperial Political System. The first for portraying symbols, inscriptions and images that the emperor intended to spread, getting his subjects involved with the current policy; the latter, erected according to the rules of paideia, were able not only to express the expectations of the speakers with respect to the empire, but also convey wishes, desires and demands related to the very location of the speaker, in this case, the Gaul. Thus, we can see the Dominato as something beyond a system of domination, while realizing that the power struggles that emerge from the rituals of basileia involve a Political Culture that entwine both the interests and alliances of the court, of regional groups and elites of the cities. / Le système politique qui prend la forme à la fin du troisième siècle, l'Dominato reste une structure centralisée au long du quatrième siècle. Parmi les différentes situations dans lesquelles l'État romain intervient à ce moment – de la bureaucratie administrative à la organisation de l'église – notre intérêt est d'aborder les relations de pouvoir qui viennent à la lumière pendant les rituels de basileia, la royauté sacrée caractéristique de l'Antiquité tardive. A l'occasion de cérémonies publiques, par exemple, aduentus, quand citadinas élites se préparaient à accueillir l'empereur et il cherché des contacts plus étroits avec la maison impériale, ont été récitée discours élogieux en l'honneur du souverain. En réponse à la réception de la ville, il était de coutume que l'empereur distribuer des pièces commémoratives, un autre élément essentiel de la cérémonie. Ainsi, la combinaison entre les discours de nature littéraire et imagerie, émergé les rituels de la royauté romaine de l'Antiquité tardive, comme nous le démontrons dans cette thèse. Le corpus de discours laudatives choisi dans la réalisation de la recherche est intitulé panégyriques Latinos et comprend des oeuvres allant de 289 à 389, définissant ainsi notre ballast temporelle. Les panégyristes étaient auteurs des écoles rhétoriques de la Gaule, et le thème des travaux a été liée à des événements dans cette région, ce qui définit notre domaine de recherche dans deux villes en particulier, Augustodunum et Burdigala. Le corpus numismatique, toutefois a été assemblé à partir de la datation des panégyriques, comprenant des cérémonies qui ont eu lieu en Gaule au cours de la Tétrarchie, le gouvernement de Constantin, Julian et Théodose. Dans cette thèse, nous analysons le rôle perpétré par pièces et par panégyristes, comme des éléments qui participent activement dans le système politique. La première, parce que manifester les symboles, les inscriptions et les images que l'empereur destiné se propager, ajoutant des sujets autour de la politique développée; la seconde, parce que formé par la paideia, avons pu non seulement d'exprimer les attentes des orateurs à l'égard de l'empire, mais aussi de transmettre les souhaits, les désirs et les exigences liées à l'emplacement même de l'orateur, dans ce cas, la Gaule. Ainsi, il était possible de comprendre la Dominato delà d'un système de domination, notant que les relations de pouvoir qui émergent de rituels de basileia impliquent une culture politique qui tisse des intérêts et des aliances de la cour, et les groupes régionaux et les élites des villes.

The fate of undocumented youth recently overwhelmed political dialogue on immigration and its effect on those individuals remains largely unstudied. This paper extends the scope of political information analyses from potential voters to undocumented childhood arrivals. Quantitative observations come from in-depth qualitative interviews in Los Angeles County, California and the Rio Grande Valley of South Texas. It finds important regional differences in the ability of immigration status to motivate cognitive engagement of politics. It questions the threat hypothesis, as highly politically knowledgeable DREAMers appear to reside in supportive environments. Such places help equip them with the ability to attribute blame and channel anger or enthusiasm. Findings suggest profound dissimilarities in the potential for political participation if and when DREAMer Latinos gain access to citizenship. / text

The media are powerful agents of socialization in modern society influencing values, beliefs, and attitudes of the culture that produces them. Both the quantity and quality of Latino images in the media may reflect and reinforce the place of Latinos in United States society. This study examines how Latinos are portrayed in television entertainment programming by addressing two major research questions: 1) What is the extent of Latino recognition on prime-time television? and 2) What is the extent of respect accorded Latinos on prime-time television? A one-week sample of prime-time television programming airing on three networks yielded 47 programs and 807 characters for analysis. Using content analysis methodology, recognition is identified by examining the frequency and proportional representation of Latino television portrayals and respect is measured by examining the types and significance of these roles. The results indicate an overall lack of diversity on prime-time television with only 11 of the 47 programs analyzed reaching 50% or more of the maximum possible diversity in their racial and ethnic portrayals. Specifically, Latinos represent only 3% of primetime television characters, less than one-fourth of their proportion of the nation's population. Compared to non-Hispanic Whites, Blacks, and Asians, Latinos are the group least likely to occupy major roles in prime-time entertainment shows and represent only 1.9% of the total opening cast credits. Latinos are still presented stereotypically but are more often presented in a generic fashion with no reference to ethnic cultural experiences. The extent of recognition and respect accorded Latinos in prime-time television is severely limited, thus there is a need for continued research and dialogue regarding symbolic media images of Latinos. The findings have implications for social scientists interested in media forms and content as cultural artifacts, members of the television media industry responsible for program development and distribution, and college media educators responsible for training young media professionals.

Framed through the standardizations of food and generalizations of people, this research explores the shifting ingredients of migrant identities and the ethnic foodways carried with them as they cross the border into the United States. Using ethnographic observational fieldwork, content analysis of menus, and semi-structured interviews with restaurant staff and migrant workers, this study examines the transnational narratives of the day laborer population and their deterritorialized food culture in post-Katrina New Orleans. Further, this research explores this flow of people and culture through a globalization lens in order to achieve a more holistic understanding of the “migrant experience” and how Latinos are both defined and self-defined within an increasingly global context.

What makes an effective teacher? This is the question I have tried to answer as I developed this ethnographic narrative. What is written here for you to read is an outline of what my experiences have been for the past two years, although it could have been my first year of teaching, but because I set back in the program, I will talk about both my first and second year of teaching. It traces back to the early expectations and hopes to more complex understandings of my students and myself. It has been 19 months since I started writing my ethnography, therefore you will notice my verb tense throughout the whole writing process. There are also new perspectives for each section. The project begins with a reflective piece about my personal educational experiences and my journey to become a teacher. I do wish to warn you that I have included specifically, details about my personal upbringing that may make a few people uncomfortable, but all in all this is who I am and what has helped shaped me through out the years. The work of this ethnography centers on my experience in my current position as an Intern teacher at a high school in Pomona, California. This opens with a study of three focus students who I had the privilege of visiting in their homes. This allowed me to discover who my students truly are and lay a foundation for my teaching goals. It is then followed by a section on the school, classroom, and community environment because this is what helps further analyze what shapes my students and it opens up opportunities to understanding where, how and why my students perform at the level they do. Finally, this project although the majority analytical, it is also very personal. In the last section presented, I reflect on the journey as an educator and what changes can be made to better suit my students. This section allows me to analyze how effective I have been and continue to be as an educator.

This research seeks to examine the impact of charter schools on Latino performance in Los Angeles Unified School District. Using school-level data from the Ed-Data database provided by the California Department of Education, this study compares Latino academic achievement in charter high schools and non-charter public high schools across five dimensions of academic achievement: math performance, reading performance, graduation rate, dropout rate, and University of California and/or California State University (UC/CSU) eligibility. The results find a positive, significant charter school impact for Latino students in math performance, dropout rate, and UC/CSU eligibility. Analyses also indicate that charter schools positively impact Latino reading performance and graduation rate, however the results are marginally significant.

What leads Asian Americans and Latinos to develop panethnicity? What are the political consequences of panethnicity? In answering these two questions, I first define panethnicity as a sense of solidarity beyond different ethnic or national origins. My emphasis in defining panethnicity as a sense of solidarity shared among Asian Americans and Latinos is on differentiating the concept panethnicity from panethnic self-identification and group consciousness. Then, I theoretically discuss the nature of panethnicity, drawing on the ethnic studies literature. I identify two important groups of theories on ethnicity: culturalism and instrumentalism. Building on instrumentalism as an underlying theory of panethnicity, I assume that panethnicity among Asian Americans and Latinos is a social product. Panethnicity is a creation of both objective outer contextual settings and personal reactions to them. Following the theoretical discussion, I empirically test how outer contextual settings and individual features affect the formation of panethnicity. Specifically, the contextual factors include the size of the panethnic population, the level of segregation, the number of panethnic elected officials and organizations, and religious service attendance. The individual factors of interest include panethnic self-identification, discrimination experience, English proficiency and birth place. I call these factors individual socializing factors. After this test, I examine how panethnicity, combined with the contextual factors and individual socializing factors, affects political participation including voting and nonvoting activities among Asian Americans and Latinos. The main thesis of this dissertation is threefold. First, panethnicity is formed as a product of social process. Asian Americans and Latinos develop panethnicity by responding to external settings and through their personal socializing experiences. Second, panethnicity shapes Asian Americans' and Latinos' political participation. That is, panethnicity as a political resource influences voting and nonvoting participation among Asian Americans and Latinos. However, how panethnicity affects political participation varies, depending on panethnic groups and their modes of political participation. Lastly, along with panethnicity, group features such as discrimination experience and contextual factors are important ingredients for political participation among Asian Americans and Latinos. Particularly, my evidence suggests that the contextual factors are better predictors of Asian American and Latino voting participation than nonvoting participation.

Quantitative and qualitative data from the 2002 Latino Adolescent Transition Study were used to explore differences in acculturative stress and gang involvement between foreign-born and U.S.-born Latino middle school students. Regression analyses showed significant interactions between discrimination stress and immigration status as well as adaptation stress and immigration status. U.S.-born youths were significantly more likely to be gang-involved if they experienced discrimination stress. They were also less likely to be gang-involved if they experienced high adaptation stress. A minority of primarily foreign-born youths identified economic inequality and prejudicial attitudes as factors that differentiated them from Americans. Those reporting economic inequality were more likely to be gang-involved than those who did not. These findings suggest that the origins of gang involvement could differ between the two immigrant generations. Whereas U.S.-born Latinos may be more negatively affected by discrimination, foreign-born Latinos may be more sensitive to their comparatively low economic status.

The overarching question of this dissertation is do Latinos prefer co-ethnic candidates and if so, to what degree? I examine how Latinos evaluate co-ethnic candidates—both those who share one’s partisanship and who do not. In addressing the former, is the evaluation higher of a candidate who not only shares one’s partisanship but also ethnicity or is the double in-group status redundant? I then address a more complex question, how do Latinos evaluate Latino candidates who do not share their partisan identity. The dilemma of having contradictory social group identities places a voter at an electoral fork in the road. To understand which road the voter ultimately takes I consider individual ethnic social group identification and the substantive meanings of ethnic group categories. I look at how different dimensions of Latino group identity influence the ultimate evaluation of a coethnic candidate. More specifically, I consider how and when a Latino social group identity influences political choice. I begin addressing the questions of when and how a Latino ethnic group identity can influence a political choice through an analysis of extant survey data. I also make use of original survey experiments that allow me to determine if there is a causal relationship and to probe the dimensions of Latino group identity. The results indicate that there is an in-group candidate preference. In some instances, an ethnic in-group match by itself predicts political choice, but not for all Latinos and not all the time. More substantive measures of Latino group identity serve to differentiate who among Latinos are most likely to prefer an ethnic in-group candidate. I find that substantive measures moderate a preference and in some instances a distancing from the Latino candidate. In general, Latinos with higher levels of Latino group identification are those most likely to support a Latino candidate. However, the preference for a Latino candidate depends on whom that Latino candidate is—Republican or Democrat. In short, Latino preferences for co-ethnic candidates are variegated, but significantly and substantively influenced by the individual’s level of ethnic identification and the type of Latino candidate choice at hand. / Dissertation

This dissertation examined the presidential elections of 1992, 1996 and 2000 for the narrative tools used to persuade Latino voters. Using Walt Fisher's narrative theory, I evaluated the various parts of the American Dream myth, looking specifically at the characters and settings used in the candidate's narrative. Then, I evaluated the values in those narratives through the lens of the Plan of Delano, specifically looking for ways these candidates actually reinforced important Latino values. The new tellings of the American Dream myth valued specific characters- characters that had been blessed by the American Dream. Clinton's 1992 character had to work to gain success, but he was also blessed. George P. Bush (George W. Bush's nephew) was another character blessed by the American Dream. As a first-generation American, he represented the hope that brings many to America; the idea that their children could have opportunities the parents could not. The settings of the American Dream story were also important. These settings varied greatly-from the decrepit and desolate to the fanciful and idyllic-but they represented all the different places where the American Dream is possible. Hope, Arkansas is not a place where much hope seems to exist. But even a community as impoverished as Hope can be the birthplace of a President, because of the amazing ability of the Dream to permeate even the darkest corners of America. The barrios of the Southwest appear to be hopeless, but as Clinton's telling of the myth reminded Latinos, even people growing up in the barrios should have hope-because the American Dream can exist anywhere. These values, these characters, these settings have added to the rich rhetorical history of the American Dream myth. These presidential candidates expanded the places where that hope could reach, and the people who could be blessed by the Dream. All of this culminated in a story that Latinos could relate to, that they shared in and that rhetorically persuaded them to believe in these candidates.