This thesis investigates discursive identity creation used in the discourses of the governing populist political parties of Hungary and Poland, Fidesz and PiS. Considering the important role construction of social identities play in populism, this article argues that we need to enhance our understanding of how the Self and the Other is described and used in populist discourse. The analytical framework draws on earlier literature from the broader field of populism as well as from the fields of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), security studies and discourse analysis. In this thesis, the Self is conceptualised as Hungary and Poland, respectively, and the Other is conceptualised as the West. The findings show that Hungary and Poland are depicted as unique, strong and brave, and that “the people” share a common and distinctive culture. Meanwhile, the West is depicted as controlling and not to be trusted. The historical victimization of the nation in relation to the West is important, and used to legitimize the current relationship of the two. Moreover, both discourses use similar rhetoric strategies to defend these identities. However, the analysis also points to differences between the discourse used by PiS and the discourse used by Fidesz, where the latter is more extreme in its identity construction. Hungary is depicted as more unique and the identity of the West entail a more radical degree of Otherness carrying a more direct threat towards the existence of the Hungarian nation. In the discourse used by PiS, on the other hand, the West does pose a threat to the sovereignty of the Polish nation, but Poland simultaneously identifies with and wishes to integrate further with the West. Lastly, the findings show that the discursive identity construction of Hungary, Polandand the West is closely related to new legislation planned or implemented by the parties, and is hence not only a rhetoric device.

Recent Inter-American Court of Human Rights jurisprudence has resulted in major amendments to Mexican military justice law that were previously thought to be impossible, considering the historical role of the armed forces and Mexico's civil-military pact. Yet, with a recent Supreme Court decision, Mexican law has been modified to bring it into compliance with the Inter-American Court's decisions. However, their efficacy has been undermined by aspects of the decisions which were not made on a principled basis.

Recent Inter-American Court of Human Rights jurisprudence has resulted in major amendments to Mexican military justice law that were previously thought to be impossible, considering the historical role of the armed forces and Mexico's civil-military pact. Yet, with a recent Supreme Court decision, Mexican law has been modified to bring it into compliance with the Inter-American Court's decisions. However, their efficacy has been undermined by aspects of the decisions which were not made on a principled basis.

Project (M.P.P.) - Simon Fraser University, 2006. / Theses (Master of Public Policy Program) / Simon Fraser University. Also issued in digital format and available on the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.A.)--Queen's University at Kingston, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references.

The Rome Statute saw the provision of three statutory rights for victims: the right to participation, protection, and reparations. The addition of these rights is an attempt to incorporate elements of restorative and reparative justice processes into a primarily retributive system. The emerging jurisprudence shows there are competing tensions developing in all areas. The right to participation saw initially broad decisions consistently scaled back by the Appeals Chamber to ensure a more streamlined approach. The right to protection, in contrast, has continued to be upheld by all Court levels resulting in significant trial challenges and delays. While the right to reparations remains untested, it is likely to only partially fulfill restorative aims. This thesis argues that while victim involvement has altered the traditional trial process, restorative aims will remain unmet. However, victim involvement has begun to shed light on the competing purposes of justice within the Rome Statute framework.

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 104). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2006. / LICL has E-Thesis 0018 ; please contact computer services.

Thèse (Ph.D.)--Université d'Ottawa, 1997. / Comprend des réf. bibliogr.

Foucault's 'governmentality approach' developed the notion of 'dividing practices' (1991; see Seddon 2007) which recognises that how individuals and groups are categorised determines how they are governed. This thesis draws on critical disability studies and criminological literature on 'doing justice to difference' to develop a disability perspective in criminology, in order to analyse the governance of offenders with autism. It argues that there is descriptive and normative value in proactively categorising these groups as 'disabled' under the 'social model' of disability. The social model of disability is helpful in enabling us to distinguish between impairment and disablement. It allows us to comprehend the 'psy' literature, which explores the link between the 'symptomatology' of autism and criminality (the 'impairment branch' of the distinction) in combination with the 'interconnecting variables' (Browning and Caulfield, 2011) which lead offenders with autism into the criminal justice system and their inequitable experiences (the 'disablement branch' of the distinction). This is timely given the entrenchment of this model in the Equality Act 2010 and the inception of the Autism Act 2009, Statutory Guidance (DOH, 2010; 2015) and related policy. Using cross-method triangulation of qualitative data collected through interviews with elites and practitioners, textual analysis and court observation of eight adult defendants with autism through their court process, this thesis investigates why the status of this group as disabled under the Equality Act 2010 has been overlooked in criminal justice policy and criminal court decision-making. It examines the extent to which policy-makers and criminal justice decision-makers consider the defendant's autism in their decision-making about the defendant's case in the courts. Finally, it examines the impact of 'collateral' effects of the criminal justice process on family members who supported these defendants.