Within the last decade, European states, particularly in the post-Communist and post-Soviet region, have elected more rightist-led governments. Poland is no exception and after a surprising election in 2015 led to a Law and Justice Party (PiS) government majority in the state, questions of how this political shift in the "role model" Eastern European state could impact Polish security began to circulate. (Lupitu, 2016, p. 25) This study analyses the PiS's security actions within its first year as the Polish government majority (2015-2016) to discern the potential agency political actors have in determining how regional security organisations function through a structure vs. agency framework. Using NATO as a unit of analysis, the study aims to synthesise regional security implications of Poland's political shift on the Alliance. To do so, a triangulated methodology is applied to four key security events and actions PiS took within 2015-2016 using both a document and news media analyses as well as three elite interviews. These four events include a controversial pardoning of the minister responsible for all Polish Special Services, lustration activities within Polish security agencies, a controversial dismissal of the head of NATO's Centre of Excellence in Warsaw and the Warsaw Summit of 2016. A common...

The Polish Independence Day march in Warsaw in November 2017 drew a flurry of international media attention for its shocking mass display of far-right nationalism, connections to neo-Nazi groups, and feature of openly racist, Islamophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic slogans. However, the dangerously “othering” nationalist ideologies expressed in Poland during this demonstration are far from unique. Over the past 20-30 years, eerily similar nationalist movements have simultaneously emerged across Eastern Europe and the West. Paradoxically, the nation-state has perhaps never had less agency as increasingly global capitalism continues to encroach upon the dominance of the nation itself. I argue that this trend of new nationalist movements indicates a departure from the traditional definitions of nationalism that requires a distinct category, which I refer to as neo-nationalism. In Chapter 1, I differentiate neo-nationalism from conventional understandings of nationalist politics and provide a working definition of neo- nationalism in the twenty-first century. I aim to show that a contextualization of these neo- nationalist movements alongside increasingly global capitalism is essential to understanding the othering natures of neo-nationalist ideologies and their paradoxical nature – both national and transnational, both shocking and entirely banal. I illustrate this by returning to the case of modern Poland, employing a visual rhetorical analysis from a Marxist-feminist perspective in order to demonstrate the manifestations of particular and dangerous dynamics of othering in Polish neo- nationalism. I refer to these dynamics as “capital-isms,” such that they are the “shocking” expression of what are in fact pervasive prejudices brought to the surface by the changing conditions of global capitalism. In Chapter 2, I examine the rhetoric surrounding the Polish Independence Day march in 2017 to highlight the paradoxes and power mechanisms at play in Polish neo-nationalism. I follow with an exploration of the rhetoric employed by the Polish far- right nationalist party, Law and Justice, with particular contextualization with regard to its relationship with the European Union in Chapter 3. Finally, I conclude this thesis by considering the implications of this research for the study of neo-nationalism going forward. / M.A. / The Polish Independence Day march in Warsaw in November 2017 drew a flurry of international media attention for its shocking mass display of far-right nationalism, connections to neo-Nazi groups, and feature of openly racist, Islamophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic slogans. However, the dangerously “othering” nationalist ideologies expressed in Poland during this demonstration are far from unique. Over the past 20-30 years, eerily similar nationalist movements have simultaneously emerged across Eastern Europe and the West. In this thesis, I theorize the Polish far-right nationalism on display at the Independence Day march as part of a broader trend of neo-nationalist movements, which I demonstrate are paradoxical in nature. After establishing the defining characteristics of neo-nationalism as a phenomenon, I highlight these paradoxes through an analysis of Polish neo-nationalist rhetoric. Furthermore, by placing this rhetoric within its socioeconomic and historical contexts, I demonstrate that the “shocking” display of far-right nationalism in the march is an expression of what are in fact pervasive prejudices brought to the surface by the changing conditions of global capitalism.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-03-26Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:50:32Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 consalter_hp_me_mar.pdf: 422543 bytes, checksum: c4d7dde4a3bc90ae18cd0ef18b665261 (MD5) / O período pós Constituição Brasileira de 1988 é marcado por dificuldades de implementação do Estado de direito, da consolidação e aperfeiçoamento da democracia e da afirmação da cidadania em sua acepção moderna, implicando em direitos e deveres públicos e universais. O modo pelo qual o Direito tem sido utilizado em prol de avanços sociais na defesa, proteção e promoção da cidadania, acarreta a discussão sobre democratização da justiça e o acesso efetivo aos direitos contemplados constitucionalmente. O direito positivado brasileiro (legislação) é extremamente complexo: extenso e pouco claro. A grande maioria da população não possui acesso às informações necessárias para atuarem nas relações jurídicas, são sujeitos de direitos e deveres quase sempre desconhecidos. A assistência jurídica integral e gratuita, instrumento constitucionalmente garantido para superar o obstáculo ao acesso democrático à justiça e ao direito, não se restringe à mera postulação em Juízo ou dispensa do pagamento de custas processuais e honorários advocatícios, mas se caracteriza pela prestação de informação e consultoria jurídica à comunidade, esclarecendo seus direitos e obrigações, auxiliando na compreensão da temática jurídica do texto constitucional. O acesso democrático à administração da justiça (judiciário) e da justiça social (direitos fundamentais) está diretamente ligado à universalização da cidadania rumo à igualdade e emancipação social. Tal emancipação a ser construída racionalmente por indivíduos livres e iguais, tende a pensar a coletividade em igualdade de condições, superando elementos de poder nas relações sociais, reivindicando um patamar mínimo de direitos, equidade e igualdade de oportunidades, compreendendo o direito de usufruir de uma vida digna no cumprimento dos deveres. / The period after the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 is marked by difficulties in implementing the rule of law, consolidation and improvement of democracy and the affirmation of citizenship in its modern meaning, involving rights and duties in public and universal. The manner by which the law has been used in support of progress in social protection, protection and promotion of citizenship, leads the discussion on justice and the democratization of access to effective constitutional rights contemplated. The positive Brazilian law (legislation) is very complex: long and unclear. The vast majority of the population has no access to information necessary to act in legal relations, are subjects of rights and duties almost unknown. The full legal and free, constitutionally guaranteed tool to overcome the obstacle to democratic access to justice and the law, is not restricted to mere postulation in court or remission of court costs and attorneys fees, but is characterized by the provision of information and legal advice to the community, clarifying their rights and obligations and help in understanding the legal issues of the constitutional text. The democratic access to the administration of justice (legal) and social justice (rights) is directly linked to the universalization of citizenship towards equality and social emancipation. This emancipation to be built by individuals rationally free and equal, tends to think the community on equal terms, overcoming elements of power in social relations, demanding a minimum level of rights, equity and equal opportunities, including the right to enjoy a dignified life in fulfillment of obligations.

This study argues that the basis of all environmental justice variations is the consideration of fairness, equity and justice in the environmental processes that resolve environmental problems. A Procedural Environmental Justice Model (PEJM) has been developed for the purpose of evaluating the procedural environmental justice content of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) legislation in South Africa and Zambia. EIA as a tool for mitigating adverse environmental impacts arising from development activities aims at identifying, predicting, evaluating and mitigating the bio-physical, social, and other relevant effects of development proposals prior to major decisions being taken. This makes it an apt case study for evaluating how procedural environmental justice works. The PEJM developed in this thesis is important because it can be used as a mechanism for evaluating how procedural environmental justice works in practice. Apart from developing the PEJM, this research provides an in- depth evaluation of procedural environmental justice and proceeds, in a novel manner, to focus on South Africa and Zambia. The concept of environmental justice originates from the civil liberties campaigns of the 1960s and the more recent Environmental Justice Movement in the United States. It was historically concerned with widespread distributive inequalities which manifested as discrimination mainly on the basis of race and economic status in environmental matters. In more recent years, environmental justice concerns have become more profound owing to the diversity and gravity of global environmental problems such as global warming and climate change, natural resources depletion and widespread air and water pollution. The effects of these global environmental problems have been predicted to affect inhabitants of developing countries more than those of the developed ones, thereby emphasising procedural environmental justice concerns.This research shows that in the present day environmental parlance, environmental justice should be increasingly used to connote inclusiveness in addressing global, national and grassroots environmental problems. There has been a distinct tendency to move beyond the traditional description of environmental justice as being distributive, or primarily concerned with the allocation of environmental advantages and disadvantages. This is due to the realisation that distributive environmental justice aspects are inadequate in addressing historical and present day environmental challenges. This research emphasises that environmental justice incorporates procedural, corrective and social aspects of justice. The promotion of inclusive participation or procedural environmental justice transcends all conceptions of the concept. Therefore, in order to promote environmental justice, environmental legislation must focus on procedural features that incorporate effective public participation mechanisms.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE Faculty of Social Sciences Institute of Political Studies Adam Komenda Political profile of Kaczyński brothers Master thesis Abstract The thesis is about two major Polish politicians, Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński. The thesis describes factors that have had a significant impact on their value orientation and political goals, focusing on key events of their life and, above all, political trajectories, capturing, characterizing and evaluating their political profile. In the thesis, it is stated which political goals the Kaczyński brothers managed to realize and which, on the contrary, did not succeed. The thesis also reflects the leadership style of the Kaczyński brothers in terms of leadership theory, especially from the point of view of Max Weber's The Three Types of Legitimate Rule and in therms of Transformational leadership by Bernard M. Bass. Keywords Bronisław Geremek, Fourth Polish Republic, Donald Tusk, Jarosław Kaczyński, pragmatism of Kaczyński, Lech Kaczyński, Lech Wałęsa, screening, Civic Platform, political, Poland, Centre Agreement, Law and Justice, Sejm of the Republic of Poland, Smolensk tragedy, Smolensk myth, Solidarity, leadership.

This diploma thesis deals with the development of Poland during the single-party government of the national conservative right-wing party Law and Justice (PiS) between 2015 and 2019 and the presentation of this development in the German national conservative right-wing weekly Junge Freiheit. The work aims to find out how this periodical reports on the individual steps taken by the Polish government in the areas of migration policy, judicial reform, public media reform, views on history and family policies with regard to cultural proximity and the shared values of the PiS government and this medium, and also the present anti-German element in the strong nationalist rhetoric of the ruling party. Among the sources used are mainly articles from the archives of the printed version of Junge Freiheit, as well as articles from its online version, and laws passed by the Polish Sejm in the given period. The thesis is divided into three chapters, the first of which briefly deals with the development of Poland until October 2015, i.e. the parliamentary elections won by PiS. The second chapter deals with the political development of Poland between 2015 and 2019; specifically, the work focuses on migration policy, judicial reform, public media reform, views on history and family policies. The third chapter...

Abstract: This thesis is investigating the situation regarding abortion in Poland since the conservative party Law & Justice came into power. It does so by applying the theory of socialization of human rights, developed by Risse, Ropp & Sikkink (1999). The theory of socialization is a way to uncover the process of a state transgressing from a state of repression to a state of rule-consistent behavior (the rules being the human rights). Here, Law & Justice, the EU and the NGO Federa, working for reproductive rights locally and internationally, was chosen as a case study. The method is a content analysis, where the theory is partly part of the method as it is a model. The topic’s importance within the field of sustainable development is immense, since sustainable development requires human rights and abortion is a human right. In both Poland, the USA and other countries across the world, abortion is being severely restricted, and hence the freedom of women is in jeopardy. The research could have been made more substantial by a polish-speaker, as a conservative, nationalist party like Law & Justice does not translate most of its correspondence or information. Further, using several different organizations, especially from both the ‘new’ and ‘old’ groups of feminists in Poland, could have widened the scope. The research questions are both targeted at uncovering how the EU acts when a country is non-compliant, as Poland is when not following the human rights and hence EU law. They are also uncovering what pressures Poland receive from the EU and Federa, and how far these organizations have come in the process of socialization. The key findings include that Law & Justice have been alternating between different phases in the model, and that the model used does not fully explain cases where states use human rights framing as a way to please its opponents. Further, the EU could have pressured Poland further and earlier, to avoid the situation that has unraveled during the last few years. Another surprising discovery was how unclear and vague the sustainable development goals (SDGs) are regarding abortion rights. These findings contribute to the field by researching a rather recent event, as it is a current topic with developments happening all around the world. The research also contributes by widening the field regarding what type of research can be called sustainable development research. When looking at the human rights and the SDGs, the right to safe abortions is part of both.

No description available.

This doctoral thesis aims to provide an answer to the question of why the criminal law should be concerned with the emotional response of the offender. Emotions have important instrumental aptness, such as the capacity to reveal a person's values to himself. Emotional obligations can exist within friendship, and even between strangers when the basic duty of respect has been breached. Emotions therefore have important roles to play in connection to wrongful acts between fellow citizens. The emotions that are the most relevant to the committing of a wrong are guilt and shame. The thought content of guilt is responsibility for a wrong, while the thought content of shame focuses on a weakness of the self. In response to a wrong, guilt feelings distance the wrongdoer from the moral falsehood that was implicit in the offence, restoring relations with society. Shame might have similar beneficial effects, but it might also tie the wrongdoer closer to a personal weakness (which is only indirectly related to the wrong) and might therefore weaken the relationship with himself and society. Preventing undesirable behavior is an aim of criminal law. Good criminal law should aim to persuade offenders to endorse the legal rule that was flouted by the offence. The law is not a suitable basis for citizen's emotional obligations, but emotions are particularly capable of allowing an offender to properly recognise certain reasons for obeying the law, such as moral reasons and reasons of respect for law. Guilt feelings in a setting of victim-offender mediation are very promising in this respect, while shame and humiliation run the risk of distancing the offender from his regard of himself as a moral person and society at large.

Orientador: José Geraldo Alberto Bertoncini Poker / Banca: José Blanes Sala / Banca: Edmilson Donizete Machado / Resumo: O período pós Constituição Brasileira de 1988 é marcado por dificuldades de implementação do Estado de direito, da consolidação e aperfeiçoamento da democracia e da afirmação da cidadania em sua acepção moderna, implicando em direitos e deveres públicos e universais. O modo pelo qual o Direito tem sido utilizado em prol de avanços sociais na defesa, proteção e promoção da cidadania, acarreta a discussão sobre democratização da justiça e o acesso efetivo aos direitos contemplados constitucionalmente. O direito positivado brasileiro (legislação) é extremamente complexo: extenso e pouco claro. A grande maioria da população não possui acesso às informações necessárias para atuarem nas relações jurídicas, são sujeitos de direitos e deveres quase sempre desconhecidos. A assistência jurídica integral e gratuita, instrumento constitucionalmente garantido para superar o obstáculo ao acesso democrático à justiça e ao direito, não se restringe à mera postulação em Juízo ou dispensa do pagamento de custas processuais e honorários advocatícios, mas se caracteriza pela prestação de informação e consultoria jurídica à comunidade, esclarecendo seus direitos e obrigações, auxiliando na compreensão da temática jurídica do texto constitucional. O acesso democrático à administração da justiça (judiciário) e da justiça social (direitos fundamentais) está diretamente ligado à universalização da cidadania rumo à igualdade e emancipação social. Tal emancipação a ser construída racionalmente por indivíduos livres e iguais, tende a pensar a coletividade em igualdade de condições, superando elementos de poder nas relações sociais, reivindicando um patamar mínimo de direitos, equidade e igualdade de oportunidades, compreendendo o direito de usufruir de uma vida digna no cumprimento dos deveres. / Abstract: The period after the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 is marked by difficulties in implementing the rule of law, consolidation and improvement of democracy and the affirmation of citizenship in its modern meaning, involving rights and duties in public and universal. The manner by which the law has been used in support of progress in social protection, protection and promotion of citizenship, leads the discussion on justice and the democratization of access to effective constitutional rights contemplated. The positive Brazilian law (legislation) is very complex: long and unclear. The vast majority of the population has no access to information necessary to act in legal relations, are subjects of rights and duties almost unknown. The full legal and free, constitutionally guaranteed tool to overcome the obstacle to democratic access to justice and the law, is not restricted to mere postulation in court or remission of court costs and attorneys fees, but is characterized by the provision of information and legal advice to the community, clarifying their rights and obligations and help in understanding the legal issues of the constitutional text. The democratic access to the administration of justice (legal) and social justice (rights) is directly linked to the universalization of citizenship towards equality and social emancipation. This emancipation to be built by individuals rationally free and equal, tends to think the community on equal terms, overcoming elements of power in social relations, demanding a minimum level of rights, equity and equal opportunities, including the right to enjoy a dignified life in fulfillment of obligations. / Mestre