Globally, the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries has been a period of major reforms in criminal law which are connected with the effort to find new methods to deal with crime and to replace or at least complement some inflexible procedures in administration of criminal cases. More and more attention is being paid to alternative proceedings before the court and alternative punishments in criminal cases. The Czech Republic has not fallen behind in the developments. My work seeks to map the options of alternative punishments, with a focus on community service. My work also deals with the legal framework for punishments in form of community service in selected countries. I will also mention the institute of Probation and Mediation Service. The work also points to the prepared amendment to the Criminal Code in connection with community service punishments. The research in my work is divided into two parts. The first part is a quantitative survey of opinions of the general public and the other part is a qualitative survey of opinions of professionals, such as judges, policemen and officers of the Probation and Mediation Service. The main objective of the work is to learn about the general public attitudes to and awareness of application and implementation of alternative punishments. I tried to find out which punishments would be preferred by the general public. Another objective of this work has been to survey opinions of professionals in respect to application and implementation of alternative punishments. In the first survey three of my hypotheses have been confirmed and two have been disconfirmed. Based on results of the secod part of the survey I have devised three hypotheses. The results of my work have shown that although the general public has a certain level of awareness of the issue, the knowledge is very superficial. The general public has demonstrated a significant degree of tolerance and benevolence to persons with alternative punishments. Professionals mostly approve the existing legal framework for the alternative punishments. They find the definition of these punishments in the Criminal Code adequate and they believe that alternative punishments have been used sufficiently. The work will serve as a general overview of the issue.

The government in Poland led by the Law and Justice party (PiS) and characterized by its anti-genderism and right-wing populist politics, is framing its opposition to the Istanbul Convention in human rights language. This leads to a puzzling occurrence of the women’s rights Convention being opposed with rights rhetoric. This puzzle was addressed in the thesis by investigating how the PiS-led government is mimicking human rights rhetoric in their opposition to the Convention. That was done in accordance with the ‘Rights as Weapons’ theory, developed by Bob Clifford. Findings revealed that the PiS-led government in their right rhetoric denies the necessity, effectiveness, and apoliticality of the Convention, invokes fears, presents Polish society as victims of 'gender ideology,' and puts forward opposing rights to those enshrined in the Convention. Moreover, their rights rhetoric heavily relies on fear, misinformation, and misinterpretation of the Convention.

The aim of this Master's thesis called "Personalisation of Polish political parties after 2005" is to examine the process of personalisation among selected Polish political parties between the parliamentary elections in 2005 and the parliamentary elections in 2015, and to determine whether personalisation of Polish political parties increased after 2005. The thesis is based around the most well-known theories of personalisation of politics and a number of assumptions articulated by Polish experts on the subject. Personalisation is examined predominantly at an institutional level. The theoretical part presents different approaches to research the phenomenon, and defines three main concepts: personalisation, presidentialisation, and celebritisation. Several important personalised projects carried out in Poland between 1989 and 2005 are also described. The empirical part of the thesis analyses the level and development of personalisation within and outside the selected Polish political parties. This thesis does not strive to extend the theoretical concepts of personalisation of politics; instead, it aims to enrich the research of Polish politics after 2005.

Politics of History in Poland have become the central theme of the Government of Law and Justice in the 2005 - 2007 period. The thesis deals with the definition of the term Politics of History and the term as understood by Law and Justice. The new direction of Politics of History prompted a lively debate in Poland between both Polish historians and the general public. The paper describes how the government conducted this policy and the tools utilized. One of their main motives was the delimitation of political developments in the country after 1989 and the lack of dealing with the communist past. For this reason, one of the subchapters of the work is devoted to significant historical discussions between 1989 and 2005. The central figures of the new direction of historical politics in Poland were brothers Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński, who had the greatest influence on the promotion of this policy in public discourse. In conclusion, the results of the two-year enforcement of historical politics.

The thesis deals with the process of reconciliation in Polish-German relations after 1945. Lily Gardner Feldman's invented a concept which defines the prerequisites for the reconciliation process. In her concept she defines four essential pillars of the reconciliation process - history, leadership, institutions and international context. Although Polish-German relations have undergone a long development and both sides have built up a stable and firm mutual relationship, it is possible to see changes within the four categories mentioned. The aim of this thesis is to outline the process of reconciliation in Polish-German relations after 1945 and capture the qualitative changes in mutual relations during the first rule of the Law and Justice party between 2005 and 2007, which represented a critical point in Polish-German relations and a change in the Polish foreign policy towards Germany since 1989. In the first part the thesis discusses the development of the Polish-German relations until the end of the 1990s, and in the second part of the thesis, the concept is applied to the Law and Justice party government's "critical" period (2005-2007), focusing on the four categories mentioned and on the most discussed topics. In the final part of the thesis there follows an evaluation of the validity of the used...

This diploma thesis is a case study focused on Polish public diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy and its changes between 2005 and 2019. The way how public diplomacy is exercised in the Polish case is significantly influenced by two factors - the size of the country or rather its influence and its geographic location, which is closely connected with particular societal, political and economic features with relation to the country's history. The aim of the thesis is to find out what are the foundations of polish public diplomacy, how it has been changed within the studied period and what it tells us about public diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy and the possibility of domestic actors to influence it. There is a deep cleavage between the two main political parties, which have alternated in government since 2005, and their preferences in domestic and foreign policy. Based on the outputs of Polish public diplomacy in four spheres - nation branding, cultural diplomacy, historical diplomacy and communication channels - and in organizational framework, the thesis analyses the interconnection between public diplomacy and foreign policy and also the strategy of Polish public diplomacy, taking into account the alternation of governing parties.

This thesis deals with the comparison of Polish and Czech public television system, the amendment to the media law designed by the Polish government's Law and Justice party in the years 2015 and 2016 and how this amendment reflected on the current state of Polish public television. In the comparison was used the Compliance method and four independent variables were defined: the definition of objectives and missions of public service media in Poland and the Czech Republic, the control bodies of Polish Television and Czech Television, the funding of Polish Television and Czech Television and the program offer of both televisions. Expert interviews conducted with Polish media experts personally or by telephone and media laws in both countries served as the main sources of the research. The main aim of this diploma thesis is to determine to what extent the media systems of public service televisions differ in both countries and how they are similar. The thesis focuses mainly on the relationship of political power and the media, answers the question of how political power in both countries seeks to enter into the financing and control of public media.