Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, May 2010. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on July 16, 2010). "Department of English." Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-122).

Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1996. / Title from title page screen, viewed May 30, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Lawrence W. McBride, Niles Holt (co-chairs), Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, John Freed, William Archer. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-283) and abstract. Also available in print.

Mathematics of the Islamic medieval world is still not sufficiently studied. As a result, a goldmine of Islamic medieval books and materials lie unexplored. One manuscript that certainly deserves attention is al-Bāhir fi’l-Jabr (The Shining Treatise on Algebra) of al-Samaw’al ibn Yahya al-Maghribi, a twelfth century mathematician. Al-Bāhir fi’l-Jabr is a manuscript written in Arabic and has never been translated except for a few excerpts in French. The purpose of this study was to explore the mathematical and pedagogical contribution of al-Samaw’al through an analysis of al-Samaw’al’s mathematical techniques and methods in al-Bāhir fi’l-Jabr. Moreover, the treatise provides a precise description of the “arithmetization of algebra”, and gives an accounting of the original ideas of another mathematician, al-Karaji, whose original documents have been lost. To develop a comprehensive picture of al-Samaw’al’s mathematical techniques and methods in al-Bāhir fi’l-Jabr (and his contribution to algebra in particular) this research has been based mainly on a careful analysis of al-Samaw’al’s manuscript in MSS Aya Sofia numbered 2718 (116ff), stored in the Suleymaniye library (Istanbul, Turkey). This study of al-Bāhir fi’l-Jabr focuses on an overview of how al-Samaw’al dealt with signed numbers, exponents and polynomial operations. Furthermore, this study describes the al-Samaw’al’s “method of the tables,” certain algorithms he employed, as well as his work on the binomial theorem, binomial coefficients, and the tabular arrangement known today as Pascal’s triangle. Most importantly, the study attempts to show the pedagogical approaches of al-Samaw’al.

This study explored student understanding of third places at the University of the Pacific. As colleges and universities seek to develop the whole student, providing students places that develop a sense ofbelongingness will contribute to their social development. Research has also shown that providing this belongingness will improve student learning. The questions this study hopes to answer are how do students use spaces on campus, and how do these spaces affect student satisfaction and involvement with the University. The results provided by students showed connections between student responses and the literature researched for the study. It is the writer's hope the findings of the study will help to guide future decisions regarding space planning and development.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

No description available.

黎明釗. / 複本為複印本. / 論文(歷史學部碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院, 1985. / 參考文獻: leaves 629-660. / Li Mingzhao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 大學生對晚漢政治之反響 --- p.9 / Chapter 第一節 --- 漢代太學 --- p.9 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經學傳統與東漢士風 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三節 --- 太學生對漢末政治之態度 --- p.51 / Chapter 第四節 --- 太學生思想之趨向　 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三章 --- 颍川荀氏思想之轉變 --- p.144 / Chapter 第一節 --- 荀淑 --- p.146 / Chapter 第二節 --- 荀氏八龍及其同時期人物 --- p.162 / Chapter 第三節 --- 荀爽之《易》學　 --- p.179 / Chapter 第四節 --- 荀悦之《漢記》與《申鑒》 --- p.209 / Chapter 一 --- 荀悦生平 --- p.209 / Chapter 二 --- 《漢記》與《申鑒》對重建政治及社會秩序的構想 --- p.220 / Chapter 三 --- ℗¡ 荀悦對侵蝕社會秩序的因素之討論 --- p.253 / Chapter 四 --- 《漢記》、《申鑒》總結漢末清議與下開清談 --- p.281 / Chapter 第五節 --- 荀粲與漢魏清談 --- p.356 / Chapter 第四章 --- 王粲與荊州學派之關係 --- p.512 / Chapter 第一節 --- 王粲生平與思想 --- p.512 / Chapter 第二節 --- 王粲與荊州學派 --- p.546 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結語 --- p.619 / 參考書目 --- p.629

本文旨在研究明儒郝敬之經學業績及其經學巨作《九經解》對清初經學之興起，對理學到經學的典範轉移所起的全面而決定性的影響。本文是從思想史角度研究郝敬經學之發生及其動力。 / 以掛冠歸家、閉戶解經為標誌，郝敬的生涯被劃分成了前後兩個完全不同的階段。前經學時期作為士大夫的郝敬，其志趣乃是為政與文人生活。在他完成解經後，我們可以看到他的種種轉變：由早年的喜好佛道而轉向對佛老的激烈批判，從而區別於晚明盛行的三教合一論者；與此一體的是他重整作為儒家禮教重心的喪、祭二禮；他由早年的仰慕李贄而轉向激烈批判李贄。這些都可視為批評異端的行為。而就儒學內部而言，他亦由早年的喜好理學而轉向對之作全面的系統性批評，批評其中所參雜的佛學。他的走向全面解經亦同時意味著對於朱子經學的全面性批判，他反對將《大學》、《中庸》從《禮記》中單獨抽出而與《論語》、《孟子》合為《四書》，欲以《九經》的架構取代朱子的理學建構下的《四書五經》的架構。郝敬所做的這一層層的破的工作，最後，是要回到孔子及其原典《論語》那裡。將這些選擇性行為合而觀之，可視為他對“純化儒學之追求，這點正是後來清學之追求所在。這些討論亦顯示經學這一知識樣態乃是儒學的整體性變化的一部分。 / 郝敬經解既區別于理學解經之追求“宗旨，亦區別于漢儒解經之重在訓詁，是要在宋儒解經與漢儒解經之外，建立另一新的解經系統。他批評後世儒者解經“專執典要，而強調“不可為典要，又強調“識、“辨，由此形成其作為群經辨偽之集大成之解經特色。這同時也帶來他的經解既富創辟，同時又有臆斷的特色。 / 郝敬經解極大影響了復社的陳子龍（1608-1647）、朱鶴齡（1606-1683）、朱朝瑛（1605-1670）、錢澄之（1612-1694）、陳啟源（？-1689）等。它對黃宗羲（1610-1695）、黃宗炎（1616-1686）兄弟由心學轉向經學起了決定性作用，黃氏甬上講經會正是讀郝敬經解。郝敬經學更影響黃宗羲的下一代人，如門人萬斯大（1633-1683）、萬斯同（1638-1702）兄弟以及與他們交遊的閻若璩（1636-1704）、姚際恒（1647-約1715）、毛奇齡（1623-1716）、胡渭（1633-1714）、朱彝尊（1629-1709）這一活躍在京師北京的清初經學最重要的文人圈。萬斯大評價郝敬 “窮經者盡宗之，一語道出了郝敬經學在當時的“宗師位置。而被清儒視為清代經學開山者的閻若璩、胡渭之立說乃直接出自郝敬。從郝敬的經學到清初的經學辨偽，可以看到清學是從晚明內部自然產生出來的，郝敬對於清學的發生所起的作用比顧炎武（1613-1682）、黃宗羲、閻若璩、胡渭等更直接、更早，也更全方位。 / 在清初，《康熙字典》、御撰各經的傳說，以及其他種種御制、欽定著作都大量引用郝敬之說。清初私塾課本對於各經的解釋都收有郝敬的東西，可以看出郝敬對於清代從國家、士人到民間私塾各個層面的全面影響。由郝敬對於晚明、清初經學的全方位影響，直至持續影響到雍正以至乾隆初年近百年這些眾多的材料證明：由於郝敬《九經解》的出現，清人所謂明人無學無經學之說可休矣。郝敬以一人之偉力，以其《九經解》全面開啟了清代經學。 / 郝敬既全面批評朱子，又激烈批評鄭玄關於《三禮》的訓詁，尤其是其攻鄭玄，終於使得郝敬之經著雖然影響了各個層面的學問，而受其影響者的著作反被大量收入於《四庫》，其中有的亦被視為清學之開山，而郝敬的經學著作卻沒有一本收錄於《四庫》，都只在存目，趨於湮沒。郝敬經學在後世湮沒的另一個原因則是乾嘉家法，即新的學術典範的出現以及愈來愈嚴厲化的典範展現。 / This thesis studies the comprehensive influence of the Ming Dynasty Confucian Hao Jing's study of the Confucian classics and his great work Jiujing jie (Interpretation of Nine Classics) on the characteristics of early Qing study of Confucian classics, which reveals a paradigmatic shift from the learning of Neo-Confucianism prevailing in the Ming. / It begins with a detailed study of Hao Jing’s career as a Confucian scholar-official. Hao Jing's career is divided into two rather different stages, marked by his resigning office and returning home for study of the Confucian classics. In the earlier stage, he was a scholar-official, devoted to governmental affairs but also living parts of a life of a man of letters. He changed in many aspects after he completed his work on re-interpreting the Confucian classics. One notable change is his strong criticism of Buddhism and Daoism, thus delineating himself from the advocacy of the syncretism of “three religions of Confucianism , Daoism and Buddhism that prevailed in the late Ming Dynasty. As a result , he proposed restructured funeral and sacrifice etiquettes that were the center of Confucian rituals. He gave up his admiration for Li Zhi, the late Ming critic of traditional values and conformities, but criticized him sharply. As for the study of Confucianism , Hao Jing no longer loved Neo-Confucianism as he did in his early years. Relatedly, he launched systematic criticism of Buddhist elements in Neo-Confucianism. His total involvement in re-interpreting the Confucian classics also meant his all out criticism of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism. He was against the separation of the Daxue (The Great Learning) and the Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean) from the Liji (Book of Rites) and their subsequent merge with The Confucian Analects and The Mencius to form the Sishu (The Four Books). He proposed to replace the structure of Sishu wujing (The Four Books and Five Classics) under the Neo-Confucian framework established by Zhu Xi by a structure of Jiujing (Nine Classics). The originality of Hao Jing can be traced to the personality of Confucius and his words in The Confucian Analects. Hao Jing’s words and deeds can be considered as reflections of his pursuit of “purified Confucianism, which was what mainstream Qing Confucian scholarship was seeking for. Hao’s classical discourses reveal a solid part of the overal changes in Confucianism of Ming and Qing times. / Different from Neo-Confucian pursuits of doctrinal “tenets （zongzhi）and Han Confucian exegesis that highlights annotation of words in ancient books, Hao’s interpretations of the Confucian classics were intended to establish a new system of classics exegesis. While criticizing later Confucians for “insisting on fixed standards in interpreting the classics, he stressed that Confucians should be capable of “understanding the truth of the classics and “distinguishing the falsification of classical texts. He is a master of that. But that also led to his novel but arbitrary interpretations of the classics. / Hao Jing's classical exegesis exerted tremendous influence on many members of the Fu Society (a noted literary society in late Ming Dynasty), such as Chen Zilong（16081647）, Zhu Heling（1606-1683）, Zhu Chaoying（16051670）, Qian Chengzhi（1612-1694) , and Chen Qiyuan （？-1689）. He also had huge impact on Huang Zongxi（1610-1695）and his brother Huang Zongyan（1616-1686）in their deemphasizing the philosophy of the mind and advocacy of studying the Confucian classics. Huang often read Hao's exegesis at gatherings of reading classics（jiangjinghui） in Yongshang. He even influenced Huang Zongxi’s disciples, like Wan Sida（1633-1683） and his brother Wan Sitong（1638-1702） as well as their friends like Yan Ruoju（1636-1704）, Yao Jiheng (1647- about 1715) , Hu Wei（1633-1714）and Zhu Yizun(1629-1709), who were active in scholarly circles with interests in classical studying in Beijing in the early Qing Dynasty. Wan Sida commented Hao this way: " Those who endeavor to delve into the classics all revere him as a master". The scholarly achievements of Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei, founder of classical studies of the Qing Dynasty, also owed much to the works of Hao. This then points to the origins of early Qing approach to classical scholarship in the late Ming. In the Ming-Qing transition, Hao played a role that contributed more directly and comprehensively than that of Gu Yanwu（1613-1682）,Huang Zongxi, Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei. / In the early Qing, the imperially-sponsored Kangxi Dictionary, the classical commentaries the Kangxi emperor authored, and many other works attributed to the emperors or sanctioned by them, quoted liberally from Hao's works and cited a multitude of his views and points.Hao’s interpretations on the classics were even included in the textbooks of private schools. Hao's widespread influence ranged from the state level to the general public. His influence on classical study continued until the reign of Yongzheng and early period of Qianlong. Because of the impact of Hao’s scholarship for nearly 100 years, we have strong evidence to consider the Qing Dynasty criticism that "Ming Dynasty lacked classical scholarship groundless. Hao's Interpretation on the Nine Classics, which ushered in Qing style classical study, bore relevance to classical scholarship from the Tianqi and Chongzhen periods of the Ming to the Qianlong period of the Qing a century-long period. / The ebbs of Hao Jing’s influence was due to a paradigmatic change in the heydays of the Qianlong-Jiaqing periodlate 18th century to early 19th century. Hao Jing criticized Zhu Zi roundly, and attacked Zheng Xuan's exegesis of the Three Rites violently.Thus he offended the ideological orthodoxy and the scholarly orthodoxy. As a result, many of his works were excluded from copying into the Siku Quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Branches of Chinese Works). They were only catalogued with abstracts critical of their contents. Eventually they were forgotten by later generations. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 謝茂松. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 464-488) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xie Maosong. / Chapter 第一章 --- 郝敬經學與明清學術轉型之重釋 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明清學術轉型研究 --- p.10 / Chapter 一 --- 梁啟超：清學為對宋明理學之反動 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 錢穆：晚明從“個別經驗轉向“共同經驗 --- p.12 / Chapter 三 --- 馬克思主義史學：清代考證學開山的認定 --- p.17 / Chapter （一） --- 侯外廬：考證學的開山 --- p.17 / Chapter （二） --- 嵇文甫：晚明心學與古學 --- p.19 / Chapter 四 --- 近期研究進路 --- p.22 / Chapter （一） --- 余英時：內在理路說 --- p.22 / Chapter （二） --- 林慶彰：回歸原典與群經辨偽 --- p.24 / Chapter （三） --- 龔鵬程：晚明的復古·經學·博雅傳統 --- p.25 / Chapter （四） --- 艾爾曼、包弼德：累積式研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter （五） --- 周啟榮、張壽安、伊東貴之：儒家禮教主義的興起 --- p.28 / Chapter （六） --- 王汎森：講經會與清學發生 --- p.34 / Chapter 五 --- 以郝敬為視點梳理明清學術轉型研究 --- p.38 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬研究回顧 --- p.47 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （一） --- 郝敬《尚書》學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （二） --- 郝敬著作考與郝敬《詩經》學研究 --- p.51 / Chapter （三） --- 郝敬《四書》學研究 --- p.52 / Chapter 二 --- 郝敬哲學研究 --- p.54 / Chapter 第四節 --- 郝敬經學：事實、影響與遺忘 --- p.57 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的治政表現與經世關懷 --- p.60 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方治政表現 --- p.61 / Chapter 一 --- 初仕嚴急與庭無滯事：縉雲與永嘉 --- p.62 / Chapter 二 --- “聖諭俗講：江陰 --- p.64 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朝政經世關懷：錢法、屯守、罷兵 --- p.82 / Chapter 一 --- 軍餉、錢法、屯田 --- p.85 / Chapter （一） --- 軍餉：挪移額稅 --- p.85 / Chapter （二） --- 錢法：《請行錢法疏》 --- p.88 / Chapter （三） --- 屯田 --- p.95 / Chapter 二 --- 屯守遼東：兼論《天山評》 --- p.101 / Chapter 三 --- 罷朝鮮兵與彈劾輔臣 --- p.110 / Chapter 四 --- 采珠、開礦、開店、增稅、籍沒家財 --- p.114 / Chapter 小結 --- p.115 / Chapter 第三章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的文人生活 --- p.119 / Chapter 第一節 --- 父師影響 --- p.119 / Chapter 一 --- 達士：父郝承健 --- p.119 / Chapter 二 --- 文苑領袖：師李維楨 --- p.131 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩文、書畫、酒、游山、玄談 --- p.138 / Chapter 一 --- 寡交遊：初仕縉雲 --- p.138 / Chapter 二 --- 廣交遊：繼仕永嘉 --- p.139 / Chapter （一） --- 文人、山人、僧道 --- p.139 / Chapter （二） --- 鮑觀白：性命之學 --- p.147 / Chapter （三） --- 袁宏道：縣令生活的比較 --- p.149 / Chapter 第三節 --- 年輕官員的集會：京師生涯 --- p.150 / Chapter 第四節 --- 學作畫：江陰生活 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五節 --- 致仕生活：修園、作畫、好佛 --- p.172 / Chapter 一 --- 作畫、搜集青銅器 --- p.172 / Chapter 二 --- 拓展康樂園與禮佛 --- p.174 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆皇帝：無盡的感念 --- p.176 / Chapter 第四章 --- 純化儒學的追求（一）：佛老與李贄批判 --- p.177 / Chapter 第一節 --- 嚴儒、佛、道之辨 --- p.177 / Chapter 第二節 --- 重視儒禮與重新制禮 --- p.195 / Chapter 第三節 --- 李贄批判 --- p.207 / Chapter 一 --- 文本批判：郝敬《閑邪記》與李贄《藏書》 --- p.207 / Chapter （一） --- “狂狷論 --- p.211 / Chapter （二） --- “真聖人與“假道學 --- p.222 / Chapter （三） --- “奉佛法為陰符 --- p.226 / Chapter 二 --- 李贄批判的比較 --- p.233 / Chapter 第五章 --- 純化儒學的追求（二）：全面批判理學與閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 第一節 --- 沉潛：閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 一 --- 念茲在茲：閉戶明經 --- p.238 / Chapter 二 --- 初涉經學：在永嘉 --- p.239 / Chapter 三 --- 閉戶注經：內在動力 --- p.242 / Chapter 四 --- 送《九經解》 --- p.246 / Chapter 五 --- 聲譽鵲起：《九經解》之刊刻 --- p.247 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說“不：對士人生活的反省與行為選擇 --- p.251 / Chapter 一 --- 不交官府 --- p.251 / Chapter 二 --- 不講學 --- p.255 / Chapter 三 --- 不作序、點主、墓銘 --- p.256 / Chapter 四 --- 庸常修身 --- p.260 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從佛老、理學到經學的轉變：《知言》與《時習新知》之比較 --- p.262 / Chapter 一 --- 《知言》與《時習新知》之異同 --- p.265 / Chapter 二 --- 《時習新知》的思想脈絡 --- p.269 / Chapter （一） --- 理學概念：轉換與超越 --- p.269 / Chapter （二） --- 理學批評 --- p.278 / Chapter （三） --- 辟佛道 --- p.291 / Chapter （四） --- 學惟《論語》為正宗 --- p.294 / Chapter （五） --- 時習新知 --- p.296 / Chapter （六） --- 古今學行與經解評議 --- p.297 / Chapter 第四節 --- 朱子與鄭玄經學的批評 --- p.300 / Chapter 一 --- 理學：對朱子經學的全面批評 p300 / Chapter 二 --- 訓詁：對鄭玄經注的批評 --- p.304 / Chapter 第五節 --- “溫柔敦厚：對道學政治文化的批判 --- p.308 / Chapter 一 --- 孔孟之道 --- p.309 / Chapter 二 --- 美刺與是非：《詩》與《春秋》 --- p.312 / Chapter 三 --- 《易》道用剛？ --- p.317 / Chapter 四 --- 批評與調整：“溫柔敦厚 --- p.318 / Chapter 小結 --- p.324 / Chapter 第六章 --- 郝敬經解之要義 --- p.326 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《九經解》：順序與意義系統 --- p.326 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經解要義及其創辟 --- p.329 / Chapter 一 --- 《周易正解》：由《十翼》言象而“象意雙顯 --- p.329 / Chapter 二 --- 《尚書辨解》：辨《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.335 / Chapter （一） --- 《書序》非孔子作 --- p.336 / Chapter （二） --- 以古今文辭風格辨《古文尚書》之偽 --- p.336 / Chapter （三） --- 讀《書》首當考世代 --- p.339 / Chapter （四） --- 周公不殺管、蔡二叔 --- p.340 / Chapter （五） --- 以後世之徵引而證《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.342 / Chapter 三 --- 《毛詩原解》：詩序·詩志·美刺 --- p.343 / Chapter （一） --- 尊《詩序》 --- p.343 / Chapter （二） --- “辭與“志之間以及辟“淫奔說 --- p.345 / Chapter （三） --- 《詩》為萬世法戒 --- p.351 / Chapter （四） --- 風人 --- p.352 / Chapter （五） --- 風雅頌皆有正變 --- p.353 / Chapter （六） --- 詩者，聲音之道 --- p.354 / Chapter 四 --- 《春秋直解》：直其事而是非自見 --- p.354 / Chapter （一） --- 《左傳》非左丘明作 --- p.355 / Chapter （二） --- 批《春秋》三傳、宋胡安國《春秋》解 --- p.357 / Chapter （三） --- 《春秋》無凡例、無深刻隱語 --- p.358 / Chapter （四） --- 《春秋》直道而行，不以文字為褒貶 --- p.360 / Chapter （五） --- 《春秋》未嘗可五霸，未嘗貴盟會，未嘗與齊、魯 --- p.362 / Chapter （六） --- 未嘗黜秦、楚、吳、越為夷狄 --- p.364 / Chapter 五 --- 三禮 --- p.365 / Chapter （一） --- 《禮記通解》：會通禮家雜而多端之言 --- p.366 / Chapter （二） --- 《儀禮節解》 --- p.373 / Chapter （三） --- 《周禮完解》 --- p.377 / Chapter 六 --- 《論語詳解》與《孟子說解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （一） --- 《論語詳解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （二） --- 《孟子說解》 --- p.391 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬經學特色 --- p.396 / Chapter 一 --- 解經“不可為典要 --- p.396 / Chapter 二 --- 集群經辨偽之大成：創辟與臆斷 --- p.399 / Chapter 第七章 --- 郝敬經學的影響 --- p.401 / Chapter 第一節 --- 同時代經學類型比較：以《大泌山房集》所見為例 --- p.401 / Chapter 一 --- 朱子經學系統 --- p.404 / Chapter 二 --- 北宋之經解 --- p.405 / Chapter 三 --- 從回向漢代到回向孔子 --- p.406 / Chapter 四 --- 與郝敬屬同類型的經解 --- p.407 / Chapter 第二節 --- 郝敬經學的後世影響 --- p.411 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學在晚明的流傳與接受 --- p.411 / Chapter 二 --- 孔廟從祀議案的提出 --- p.416 / Chapter 三 --- 郝敬經學在清初的全面性影響 --- p.418 / Chapter 四 --- 主流派的曖昧：四庫館臣與新典範 --- p.428 / Chapter 五 --- 少數派的重視：章學誠與焦循之例 --- p.430 / Chapter 六 --- 郝敬經學在晚清民國的影響 --- p.431 / 小結 --- p.432 / Chapter 結論 --- p.433 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 郝敬的《請錢法疏》與顧炎武的貨幣主張之比較 --- p.449 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 前明知縣章聚奎詳請給事中郝敬從祀廟庭稿 --- p.458 / Chapter 參考文獻 --- p.464

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This thesis examines the uses of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts in the 150 years immediately following the Norman Conquest. By focusing on the most common types of use evident in the manuscripts, it explores how readers actually interacted with books. It also treats manuscripts as cultural artefacts through which it is possible to observe the literary and social consequences of the Conquest. The Introduction summarises our current understanding of the literary culture of this transitional period. Chapter II, ‘Destruction and Conservation’, examines claims that Norman elites destroyed Anglo-Saxon manuscripts; finding these claims unjustified, it investigates the circumstances in which manuscripts were lost and identifies how readers evaluated the contents of pre-Conquest books. Chapter III, ‘The Movement of Pre-Conquest Manuscripts’, looks at the consequent loan, exchange and sale of pre-Conquest manuscripts after 1066. Chapter IV, ‘Updating Pre-Conquest Manuscripts’, discusses difficulties which Norman readers encountered with pre-Conquest books, including script, abbreviation, orthography and textual redaction, and examines how these technical features could be modernised. It also investigates more practical modernisations to liturgical books, chronicles and cartularies. Chapter V, ‘Glossing and Annotating’, concerns readers’ reactions to the texts found in pre-Conquest manuscripts, particularly vernacular homilies and translations. It argues that the post-Conquest classroom was essentially trilingual, though Latin became the lingua franca. Chapter VI, ‘Record-Keeping in Pre-Conquest Manuscripts’, explores the use of pre-Conquest manuscripts – copies of the gospels, liturgical books and patristic texts – as repositories for records. Chapter VII, ‘The Veneration of Pre-Conquest Manuscripts’, continues this exploration of the symbolic capital of pre-Conquest books by examining how Norman churchmen supported the veneration of particular manuscripts as secondary relics, and introduced new traditions regarding other books. The Conclusion refocuses the findings of this thesis on two key issues: early medieval reading practices and English literature between 1066 and 1200.