This thesis explores the effects of the federal political system upon the organization of the Liberal Party of British Columbia by means of an examination of those manifestations of disunity and conflict which can be related to the changing balance of power between the federal and provincial segments of the party. Although both parts of a Canadian political party generally recognize the value of a unified and closely integrated organization, their separate interests and requirements frequently create internal conflicts. These sources of strain between the federal and provincial wings of Canadian political parties may well reveal those distinctive attributes of Canadian party organization which are derived from participation within a federal system. Within the Liberal Party of British Columbia the changing pattern of federal-provincial party relations have been closely associated with the relative electoral strength of the two wings of the party. Challenges to the leadership and control of the provincial Association have-generally occurred when, the balance of political power was not adequately represented in the leadership of the Association. Since a combination of administrative and policy differences between the two groups provided the main sources of friction, the changing electoral fortunes of the two wings also affected the emergence and intensity of federal-provincial strains. With the exception of a five year period between 1928 and 1933, the provincial wing of the party held power in Victoria from 1916 to 1952 and the provincial leader maintained effective control of the Liberal organization in British Columbia. Although the federal party also held power throughout most of this period, the federal wing never demanded control of the provincial organization. Confrontations between strong Liberal premiers and a Liberal Prime Minister were frequently responsible for internal party friction since the sectional policies pursued by Liberal premiers of British Columbia often involved challenges to federal government policy. Although the provincial coalition with the Progressive Conservatives, between 1941 and 1952, eventually initiated severe federal-provincial strains, the campaign by federal leaders to discredit the coalition Liberals was also directed at a specific provincial leader rather than at the principle of the provincial control of the organization. The electoral eclipse of the party's provincial wing after 1952 for the first time placed the federal wing in a dominant position within the provincial party. Although the federal leaders in the province sought no official change In the party's organization, they attempted to extend their Influence within the Association. The realignment of the federal and provincial wings of the party in turn affected the sources and expression of federal-provincial strains. Although effective control of the Association has shifted from the provincial to the federal leaderships over the past decade, the Liberals In British Columbia have maintained a unified provincial organization. But while the party has always recognized the advantages of a unified organization which serves the needs of both wings of the party, the federal political system has, nevertheless, profoundly influenced the organization and fortunes of the party. The conflicting Interests created by the federal division of power not only affect the formal organization of the political party but also determine the pattern of intra-party relations. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The opium wars in China during the 1840s were followed by a surge of Christianization in the late Qing dynasty. What a kind of role played by missionaries in the modernization of the Qing China has been a long-lasting issue since the early 20th century. Due to political reasons, the contribution of the Christian mission was either underestimated in view of Cultural Invasion paradigm or overemphasized in view of Modernization paradigm. The thesis employs a less-distorted model, Liberal Theology, to analyze the influences of liberal missionaries, exemplified by Timothy Richard, on the social reform in the modernization movement of the late Qing. It describes the relevance of missionary activities to the development of Chinese history in view of the biographical records of Christian missions. The entry point of this presence is traced in the text through Richard’s activities to contribute to famine relief, literary work, reform advocacy, higher education, cross-cultural exchange, a product of the development of his ideas and strategies gained from the promotion of European models of modernization. Particularly, the thesis brings to light Richard’s symbiotic conception between religion and secularism (i.e., science, technology, education, and political reform). The main contribution of the study hinges on a couple of aspects: (1) Building a thorough portrait of Richard and of his life-long vocation by means of a number of primary and secondary sources in both English and Chinese; and (2) Interpreting the liminal role Richard played in his missionary work to answer the question: are missionaries a proxy of imperialism, or a paragon of modernization, or something in between? After pointing out the limitations of the two old paradigms, the thesis exposes that, armed with the hybrid Liberal Theology model, we can better understand the nature of the mission work done by liberal missionaries, such as Richard. Thus, though their activities happened in an era marked with colonial imperialism, the Christian mission should not be regarded as simply an imperialistic invasion in the cultural field; what is more, though missionaries introduced western civilization to Chinese people in various proselytizing approaches, they could not be considered as one of the prime movers for China’s modernization in the late Qing Dynasty, because the contributions they made subordinately promoted China’s modernization through a series of religious and cultural contacts with Chinese elites via, e.g., meetings, media, literary work, higher education.

Orientador: Anderson Deo / Banca: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: José Milton Pinheiro de Souza / Resumo: O presente trabalho procura compreender as transformações que ocorrem na base do poder político da autocracia burguesa brasileira em 1930. Nomeadamente a crise que leva a recomposição das suas frações no bloco do poder com a ascensão da Aliança Liberal ao Governo Provisório. Para tanto estudamos a formação e consolidação da fração agrário-exportadora e portadora do grande capital cafeeiro, já que esta vai ser a matriz do intenso desenvolvimento que a nossa formação social vai conhecer com base no ciclo do café. É através de sua gênese e desenvolvimento que observamos que, no bojo de seu avanço social, inclusive na composição de sua hegemonia que ocorre durante a Primeira República, contradições como a formação de uma industrialização com capitais oriundos da acumulação cafeeira vão transformando a estrutura produtiva de sua dominação. Por outro lado, seu domínio absoluto começa a ser contestado em 1922, ferindo mortalmente sua capacidade hegemônica. A Aliança Liberal, herdeira de toda essa crise política, ao agregar em si inúmeros grupos, camadas e frações sociais que já não se veem mais representadas pela política monocultora e agroexportadora do café, com grande ênfase ao apoio armado tenentista, se insurrece e desloca do centro do poder a fração paulista. Como grupo dirigente, ela então reorienta o centro dinâmico da economia brasileira, respondendo ao caráter de suas próprias contradições, e com medidas políticas como o corporativismo trava contato íntimo com a burguesia ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The present work tries to understand the transformations that occur in the base of the political power of the Brazilian bourgeois autocracy in 1930. In particular, the crisis that leads to the recomposition of its fractions in the power bloc with the rise of the Liberal Alliance to the Provisional Government. In order to do so, we study the formation and consolidation of the agrarian-exporting fraction and the great capital of coffee, since this will be the matrix of the intense development that our social formation will know based on the coffee cycle. It is through its genesis and development that we observe that, in the midst of its social advance, including in the composition of its hegemony that occurs during the Old Republic, contradictions such as the formation of an industrialization with capital from the coffee accumulation transform the productive structure of Their domination. On the other hand, its absolute domination begins to be contested in 1922, mortally wounding its hegemonic capacity. The Liberal Alliance, inheriting all this political crisis, by aggregating in itself numerous groups, strata and social fractions that are no longer represented by the monoculture and agro-exporting policy of coffee, with great emphasis on the tenentista armed support, insurrection and dislocation of the Center of power the São Paulo fraction. As a leading group, it then reorients the dynamic center of the Brazilian economy, responding to the character of its own contradictions,... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

This thesis seeks to show that there is a substantive theory of community in Martin Heidegger's Being and Time. There is more to this theory of community than is commonly thought. While the importance of the structures of Being-with and authenticity is stressed, I argue that Heidegger's account of historicality from Division II, Chapter 5 is vital for any adequate understanding of the theory of community in this text. In Part 2, the theory of community in Being and Time is compared to that which Heidegger appeals to in his speech "The Self-Assertion of the German University". I argue that the two theories are very similar to one another. Having established this, I offer some criticisms of the theory of community. Heidegger's theory of community is unacceptable to those of us who accept a liberal-pluralist vision of society. The theory of community he gives in Being and Time, by appealing to monolithic notions of "people" (Volk) and "destiny" contradicts the liberal-pluralist vision. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This study is concerned with the contradiction in liberal-democratic society between the persistence of group inequalities on the one hand, and the firm commitment to individualism on the other. Individualism requires that group inequalities be absent, and that "particularistic policies" be avoided. Consequently, liberal governments tend to either ignore the issue of group inequality or abandon the liberal framework in order to deal with it. By examining the communal structure in pre-liberal societies, and the nature of modernday support for particularism, it has been found that the norm of universalism is to be preferred. The Indians in Canada have been used as an example illustrating the effects of a particularistic policy when applied in a liberal context. An analysis of the Indian case suggests that legal group differentiation does not reduce group inequality even within a liberal framework. The argument is advanced that a "liberal" solution to this problem is possible. Since liberal theory has been mute on this point, a solution is worked out by exploring what is consistent with classical liberal foundations as laid down by John Locke. In general, group differentiation may be practised (sic) in a qualified way provided it remains the exception, and is not established as a new norm.</p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

<p> This dissertation examines postcolonial narrative fiction as a site of cosmopolitanism that is self-consciously local and global at the same time. I argue that, in order to think through a form of cosmopolitanism that takes seriously questions of social justice, we must think through the way cosmopolitan world-views are articulated in place. Much is made of the deterritorializing forces of both cosmopolitanism and globalization, but, as the novels I examine suggest, this ignores the simultaneous re- and multi-territorialization that is always ongoing. This gap in cosmopolitan theory means that everyday lived cosmopolitanism, which enacts this oscillation between the global and the local, is often left outside the scope of theory. Fiction offers a corrective to cosmopolitan theory by paying particular attention to that which is often outside of the scope of this theoretical paradigm. Postcolonial theory's emphasis on the importance of political responsibility and the remembrance of past and ongoing violence informs this project.</p> <p> In this dissertation, I primarily engage with the two dominating strains of cosmopolitan theory: liberal-bourgeois cosmopolitanism and vernacular cosmopolitanism. I read these theoretical models alongside cultural geography and eco-criticism to account for what I term "territorialized cosmopolitanism." I suggest that territorialized cosmopolitanism enacts a dialectical movement between the global and the local and this movement between these two zones prompts ethical and political responsibilities to others (both human and nonhuman) both physically nearby and distant - reflecting the shaping role place defined in physical and cultural terms-- has in developing cosmopolitanism.</p> <p> Focussing my reading on novels that address cosmopolitanism through different kinds of places (the metropolis, the regional city, and the rural community), I argue that different places focus a territorialized cosmopolitan sensibility in different ways. What these differences suggest is the importance of un-learning typical notions of how place is used and represented - particularly in relation to the global. A territorialized cosmopolitan sensibility, in these novels, allows for and encourages this unlearning. </p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This dissertation uses storytelling to examine the nature of settler colonial relations (SCRs) in Canada. It examines testimonies about land use in settler Canada from the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). Utilizing a combined Tribal Critical Race Theory (TCRT) and Critical Race Theory (CRT), this study compares testimonies about land use from the perspective of Indigenous peoples and non-Indigenous peoples and asks the question what, if anything, does this comparison tell us about settler Canada? The comparison reveals how settler Canada depends on the liberal racialization of Indigenous peoples’ national identity. To undertake this comparison I narrated the RCAP testimonies into small stories and analyzed their morals, or the point of these stories, using dialogical narrative analysis. The narrated stories laid bare a stark contrast in the way Indigenous peoples spoke of their social relations with the land and the way non-indigenous Canadians spoke of theirs. This study demonstrates how the narrated testimonies from Canadians, or what are referred to as cultural narratives in the language of CRT, are about land use that racialized the national identity of Indigenous peoples through the discourse of the liberal order, whereas the narrated testimonies from Indigenous peoples, considered as counter stories in this study, contradict the cultural narratives and reveal a national identity rooted in language, spirituality, the Creator, and the consequences for Indigenous peoples from settler colonial relations. The narrated counter stories in this study not only contradict the cultural narratives from settlers by describing the consequences of settler colonial relations but they also provide a blueprint in a narrative sense to decolonize land use in contemporary settler Canada. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

No description available.

The image of a kufiyah-clad Palestinian teenage boy brandishing a stone laden slingshot, facing-off against an Israeli tank, has long pervaded images of Palestinian resistance around the globe. Notwithstanding the disparity in might, and the legitimate discussion around whether wielding a slingshot when faced by a tank should indeed be considered armed resistance in the first place, this dissertation explores the Orientalist shaping of Palestinian resistance and its repercussions for Palestinian men engaged in resistance. In the aftermath of the Oslo Accords, at an unprecedented rate, international aid flowed into Palestine under the pretexts of peacebuilding and statebuilding. Deeply embedded within the liberal peace paradigm, some of this funding went towards interventions targeting Palestinian civil society and the promotion of 'nonviolence'. We know from other examples around the world, donor interventions targeting the political, economic, and social spheres of recipient countries have profound impacts outside of their stated goals. And while this has been noted by scholars in Palestine and beyond, what remains underexplored is the way that these interventions, and the embedded frameworks, discourses, and ideologies, have shaped both the unarmed resistance movement within Palestine, and more specifically, the individual social and cultural lives of those engaged in resistance. There is no way to explore, debate, or even talk about armed and unarmed resistance without first asking how the terms are defined and positioned within a particular framework. Here I find Orientalism, critical feminist theory, and critical peacebuilding literature useful perspectives from which to survey the shifting terrain of Palestinian unarmed resistance in the post-Oslo era and the subsequent shaping of male identity within the resistance movement. This dissertation answers the calls of post-colonial academics for the need to engage in resistance research that aims to understand resistance from the perspective of those who are resisting. At the same time, this dissertation challenges straightjacketed links between representation and domination by expanding our understanding of the role of Orientalist narratives in the Palestinian resistance movement. It argues that Palestinian men engaged in resistance are not just screens on which donors and CSOs/NGOs project their narratives of violent Arabs in need of civilizing (through the adoption of nonviolence). Rather, Palestinians too represent themselves in different ways, conceiving a gendered sense of self in social, public and political spaces. Such contested practices of representation produce cracks and dislocations in understandings of identity, agency, structure, and power in conflict contexts.

No description available.