O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

Thesis advisor: Philip G. Altbach / The purpose of this study was to provide a scholarly baseline about the emergence of liberal (arts) education around the world. Liberal education is based on a philosophy that uses interdisciplinary curriculum to cultivate critical thinking, analytical skills, and a sense of social responsibility. Despite its Greek and 17th century Oxford/Cambridge roots, liberal education has long been considered a distinctly American tradition (Nussbaum, 1997; Rothblatt, 2003). Recently, however, interest in liberal education has been percolating outside the US. Programs and curriculum reforms have emerged in countries where specialized, career-focused postsecondary education has been the enduring norm. Very little is known about liberal education in places where it is a unique approach to undergraduate development. There is no comprehensive global research about the location and prevalence of liberal education programs, about the format and evolution of their development, about their accomplishments and challenges, or about the reasons why this education philosophy is being pursued in new milieus. Thus, this research was guided by the question: Where, when, how, and why has liberal education emerged globally? This study resulted in the Godwin Global Liberal Education Inventory (GGLEI), a database of 183 (non-U.S.) programs with 59 data points. Programs were selected for the inventory based on a hierarchical criteria analysis. Inventory data was collected online and came from primary sources published by the liberal education programs. Sources included program websites, course catalogues, strategic plans, accreditation certificates, and institutional agreements. The GGLEI was then analyzed in conjunction with disparate scholarly research, grey literature, and information from key informants. Findings include profiles of liberal education in Europe, Asia, the Middle East, Latin America, Africa, Oceania, and North America (Canada only). Results were organized around the topics of program location, founding date, public/private status, institutional affiliations, students/faculty, language of instruction, and gender. A liberal education rationale schema is proposed for understanding the reasons for liberal education's global development. Challenges and critical questions related to liberal education's evolution in new cultural contexts are suggested for future research. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

Este estudo compara as situações políticas de Egito, Turquia e Argélia, três Estados de maioria muçulmana, onde existem movimentos políticos islâmicos influentes. Neste trabalho, é verificado se os movimentos e partidos islâmicos são compatíveis ou acomodáveis com os Estados egípcio, turco e argelino. Utilizando a comparação dos conceitos de soberania popular e democracia liberal com o Islã e o Islamismo (também conhecido como \"Islã político\"), são considerados todos os casos históricos de cada sociedade. / this study compares and contrasts political situations in Egypt, Turkey and Algeria, three muslim majority states, where there are political islam´s influent movements. In this work, it´s verified if the Islamic and islamist movements are compatible or accommodable to Egyptian, Turkish and Algerian secular states. Comparing and contrasting concepts of people´s sovereignty and liberal democracy to Islam and islamism (also known as \"political Islam\"), this study considers all the historical cases in each society.

As estatísticas estão presentes em todos os campos do conhecimento humano, fazem parte de nosso cotidiano e influenciam nossa capacidade de posicionamento frente à realidade, tornando factíveis, por meio de quantificações, noções de sentido muitas vezes abstratas. As pesquisas, quando publicadas na imprensa escrita, tornam-se instrumentos incontestáveis de análise de fatos econômicos, sociais, políticos e de opinião. Procura-se investigar neste trabalho a implicação desse fator para a formação de nossa noção de realidade e suas decorrências para a escrita da História. O objetivo é analisar em que circunstâncias ocorreram o aumento na publicação de pesquisas entre os anos de 1985 e 2000. O objeto de estudo é a divulgação da Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego da Fundação SEADE/DIEESE em dois jornais paulistanos. A hipótese central é a de que o jornalismo impresso diário passou, durante o período considerado, por mudanças contínuas nas quais o uso das pesquisas e assertivas numéricas atuou em legitimação das transformações de cunho liberal ocorridas na política e na economia mundial, tornando as informações mais racionais e mais compreensíveis para o leitor. As principais questões teóricas tratam de transpor a noção de habitus em Pierre Bourdieu para a função das estatísticas como uma forma de controle das transformações nas sociedades contemporâneas e como normalização útil ao exercício do poder conforme alguns dos conceitos presentes na obra de Michel Foucault. / Statistics are present in every single field of human knowledge, they are a part of our everyday lives and they influence our capacity of taking a stand for reality, making practicable, through a series of quantifications, notions of sense which are often abstract. When published, researches become undisputable tools of analysis of economical, social, and political facts, as well as facts of opinion. In this work we intend to investigate the implications of this factor regarding to the formation of our notion of reality and its consquencies in the writing of History. Our main purpose is to analyse the circumstancies in which occurred the increase of the publication of researches between 1985 and 2000. The object of study is the divulgation of Research of Employment and Unemployment, a document by Fundação SEADE/DIEESE in two newspapers of the city of São Paulo. The pivotal hypothesis is that the daily printed journalism has passed, during the period here considered, through continuous changes in which the use of researches and numerical assertions acted in order to legitimate the liberal transformations in the worldwide politics and economics, which in turn made the informations more rational and more comprehensible to the readers. The main theoretical questions deal with the transposition of Pierre Bourdieus notion of habitus into the function of the statistics as a form of control of the transformations in contemporary societies and as a useful normalization to the exercise of power according to some of the concepts present in the work of Michel Foucault.

A Justiça como Imparcialidade de Brian Barry propõe uma teoria de justiça imparcial como única solução legítima para uma sociedade encontrar princípios com os quais todos possam consentir. Essa concepção de justiça não pode impor aos indivíduos um comportamento de primeira-ordem. Ao contrário, deve se referir unicamente às instituições e estas devem acomodar as diversas concepções de Bem da sociedade. Se a sociedade for capaz de encontrar tais princípios, então será possível a vida em sociedade com tolerância mútua. Esta dissertação explora as razões de Barry para escolha dessa abordagem e aponta possíveis desafios não resolvidos por sua teoria. / Brian Barrys Justice as Impartiality conceives a theory of impartial justice as the only legitimated solution to a society who wants to find principles according to those everybody might consent. This theory should not impose a first-order behavior to individuals. Moreover, such concept of justice must be impartial in regard to individuals conceptions of good. This dissertation explores the reasons that led Barry to choose this approach, and suggests possible challenges unsolved by his theory.

Entre 1808 e 1814 o Império Hispânico esteve envolvido por uma grande crise, iniciada pelo sequestro do rei Fernando VII por Napoleão Bonaparte. Com a invasão francesa, uma parte do povo espanhol resistiu aos conquistadores, e entre eles havia um grupo de ilustrados que se reuniam normalmente em uma tertúlia. Sob o comando do poeta Manuel Quintana, este grupo decidiu escrever o Semanario Patriótico, um jornal pioneiro, que interpretava a crise militar como uma crise constitucional e tentava comandar uma revolução. Em meio às dificuldades peninsulares, a questão americana foi motivo de preocupação e esperança, e nesse ponto houve um dos maiores debates do período, que dizia respeito tanto à posição das antigas colônias na nova ordem quanto em como combater as crescentes insurgências. Diante dos problemas políticos e militares, o grupo fundador do Semanario Patriótico se separou, não apenas fisicamente, mas também politicamente, e fundou novos jornais. Enquanto a maior parte dos seus redatores integrou o grupo liberal durante as Cortes de Cádis, outros se afrancesaram ou então emigraram para a Inglaterra. Conforme tentaremos comprovar ao longo da dissertação, o grupo também se dividiu quanto à resolução dos problemas advindos do Antigo Regime e da Crise, propondo diferentes soluções não apenas para a Europa, mas igualmente para o Império Americano. Esse trabalho é, portanto, um estudo de como um grupo ilustrado tentou manejar a crise do Antigo Regime na Espanha ao mesmo tempo em que tentava manter o Império Atlântico, porém sob novas condições, e não repetindo a estrutura de colônia e metrópole. / Between 1808 and 1814 the Hispanic Empire was involved in a major crisis, which begun by the arrest of Fernando VII by Napoleon Bonaparte. With the French invasion, a section of the Spanish people resisted to the conquerors, and amid them there was a group of illustrated that made up, before, a tertulia. Under the leadership of Manuel Quintana, this group decided to publish the Semanario Patriótico, a precursor newspaper that interpreted the military crisis as a constitutional crisis and was trying to do a revolution. Among the peninsular difficulties, the American problem was the whole time a reason to be worried and to hope. At this point, there was one of the hardest discussions of the period, which related both to the status of the ancient colonies in the new order and to how to face the growing insurgences. In the face of the political and military issues, the founding band of the Semanario Patriótico split up, not only territorially, but also politically, and started new journals. While the majority of its redactors helped do define what was the new liberal party during the Cortes de Cádiz, others frenchfyed themselves or emigrated to England. According to what we will defend along the dissertation, the group also split up about the resolution of the problems coming from the Ancient Regime and from the Crisis, developing different resolutions, not only for Europe, but likewise to the American Empire. This work is, therefore, a study of how a handful of illustrated tried to handle the crisis of the Ancient Regime in Spain at the same time as they were trying to keep the Atlantic Empire, but under new conditions, and not repeating the old structure of colony and metropolis.

Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.

As estatísticas estão presentes em todos os campos do conhecimento humano, fazem parte de nosso cotidiano e influenciam nossa capacidade de posicionamento frente à realidade, tornando factíveis, por meio de quantificações, noções de sentido muitas vezes abstratas. As pesquisas, quando publicadas na imprensa escrita, tornam-se instrumentos incontestáveis de análise de fatos econômicos, sociais, políticos e de opinião. Procura-se investigar neste trabalho a implicação desse fator para a formação de nossa noção de realidade e suas decorrências para a escrita da História. O objetivo é analisar em que circunstâncias ocorreram o aumento na publicação de pesquisas entre os anos de 1985 e 2000. O objeto de estudo é a divulgação da Pesquisa de Emprego e Desemprego da Fundação SEADE/DIEESE em dois jornais paulistanos. A hipótese central é a de que o jornalismo impresso diário passou, durante o período considerado, por mudanças contínuas nas quais o uso das pesquisas e assertivas numéricas atuou em legitimação das transformações de cunho liberal ocorridas na política e na economia mundial, tornando as informações mais racionais e mais compreensíveis para o leitor. As principais questões teóricas tratam de transpor a noção de habitus em Pierre Bourdieu para a função das estatísticas como uma forma de controle das transformações nas sociedades contemporâneas e como normalização útil ao exercício do poder conforme alguns dos conceitos presentes na obra de Michel Foucault. / Statistics are present in every single field of human knowledge, they are a part of our everyday lives and they influence our capacity of taking a stand for reality, making practicable, through a series of quantifications, notions of sense which are often abstract. When published, researches become undisputable tools of analysis of economical, social, and political facts, as well as facts of opinion. In this work we intend to investigate the implications of this factor regarding to the formation of our notion of reality and its consquencies in the writing of History. Our main purpose is to analyse the circumstancies in which occurred the increase of the publication of researches between 1985 and 2000. The object of study is the divulgation of Research of Employment and Unemployment, a document by Fundação SEADE/DIEESE in two newspapers of the city of São Paulo. The pivotal hypothesis is that the daily printed journalism has passed, during the period here considered, through continuous changes in which the use of researches and numerical assertions acted in order to legitimate the liberal transformations in the worldwide politics and economics, which in turn made the informations more rational and more comprehensible to the readers. The main theoretical questions deal with the transposition of Pierre Bourdieus notion of habitus into the function of the statistics as a form of control of the transformations in contemporary societies and as a useful normalization to the exercise of power according to some of the concepts present in the work of Michel Foucault.

Entre 1808 e 1814 o Império Hispânico esteve envolvido por uma grande crise, iniciada pelo sequestro do rei Fernando VII por Napoleão Bonaparte. Com a invasão francesa, uma parte do povo espanhol resistiu aos conquistadores, e entre eles havia um grupo de ilustrados que se reuniam normalmente em uma tertúlia. Sob o comando do poeta Manuel Quintana, este grupo decidiu escrever o Semanario Patriótico, um jornal pioneiro, que interpretava a crise militar como uma crise constitucional e tentava comandar uma revolução. Em meio às dificuldades peninsulares, a questão americana foi motivo de preocupação e esperança, e nesse ponto houve um dos maiores debates do período, que dizia respeito tanto à posição das antigas colônias na nova ordem quanto em como combater as crescentes insurgências. Diante dos problemas políticos e militares, o grupo fundador do Semanario Patriótico se separou, não apenas fisicamente, mas também politicamente, e fundou novos jornais. Enquanto a maior parte dos seus redatores integrou o grupo liberal durante as Cortes de Cádis, outros se afrancesaram ou então emigraram para a Inglaterra. Conforme tentaremos comprovar ao longo da dissertação, o grupo também se dividiu quanto à resolução dos problemas advindos do Antigo Regime e da Crise, propondo diferentes soluções não apenas para a Europa, mas igualmente para o Império Americano. Esse trabalho é, portanto, um estudo de como um grupo ilustrado tentou manejar a crise do Antigo Regime na Espanha ao mesmo tempo em que tentava manter o Império Atlântico, porém sob novas condições, e não repetindo a estrutura de colônia e metrópole. / Between 1808 and 1814 the Hispanic Empire was involved in a major crisis, which begun by the arrest of Fernando VII by Napoleon Bonaparte. With the French invasion, a section of the Spanish people resisted to the conquerors, and amid them there was a group of illustrated that made up, before, a tertulia. Under the leadership of Manuel Quintana, this group decided to publish the Semanario Patriótico, a precursor newspaper that interpreted the military crisis as a constitutional crisis and was trying to do a revolution. Among the peninsular difficulties, the American problem was the whole time a reason to be worried and to hope. At this point, there was one of the hardest discussions of the period, which related both to the status of the ancient colonies in the new order and to how to face the growing insurgences. In the face of the political and military issues, the founding band of the Semanario Patriótico split up, not only territorially, but also politically, and started new journals. While the majority of its redactors helped do define what was the new liberal party during the Cortes de Cádiz, others frenchfyed themselves or emigrated to England. According to what we will defend along the dissertation, the group also split up about the resolution of the problems coming from the Ancient Regime and from the Crisis, developing different resolutions, not only for Europe, but likewise to the American Empire. This work is, therefore, a study of how a handful of illustrated tried to handle the crisis of the Ancient Regime in Spain at the same time as they were trying to keep the Atlantic Empire, but under new conditions, and not repeating the old structure of colony and metropolis.

The purpose of this study was to demonstrate how a well developed and validated national standard for United States history can affect public school achievement levels. Currently, there is no mandated national standard for United States history; rather it has been left to the respective states to create their own. This study focused on the state of Virginia, which has been able to meet both the nationally mandated adequate yearly progress (AYP) level, and achieve high proficiency levels in United States history achievement. This comparative case study examined two neighboring states of similar demographics: Virginia which made both the AYP and high history achievement, and a southern U.S. state which did not meet either the AYP or acceptable history scores. Archival data included achievement levels as assessed by the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) test scores in U.S. history for both states, and State of the State (SOS) national assessments of state history standards. It was hypothesized that there would be a correlation between well established and vetted standards and achievement levels. Sequential analyses employing Pearson correlations and Somers' D tests of association demonstrated significant correlations between SOS standards and NAEP achievement scores. These results can contribute to positive social change by informing research based decision making related to best practice standards for U.S. history curricula that will increase student achievement levels, and provide a more common curricular foundation from which supporting resources can be developed and shared to offset reductions in education budgets.