O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-09-05T17:34:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 laisoliveira.pdf: 822536 bytes, checksum: 2d834f752f1154e1d72ab56502bf22db (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-09-06T11:33:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 laisoliveira.pdf: 822536 bytes, checksum: 2d834f752f1154e1d72ab56502bf22db (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-06T11:33:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 laisoliveira.pdf: 822536 bytes, checksum: 2d834f752f1154e1d72ab56502bf22db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-17 / Este estudo analisa uma parte do material produzido pelo jornalista Paulo Francis (Franz Paul Trannin da Matta Heilborn) no período de sua entrada para o jornal Folha de São Paulo (1975), passando por sua transferência para O Estado de São Paulo (1991) até o ano de sua morte em 1997. A escolha deste material se deu pelas opiniões emitidas pelo jornalista em torno de temas relacionados ao conservadorismo-liberal como liberdade, igualdade, meritocracia, propriedade privada, democracia e direitos às minorias. Constatou-se que, através de um deslocamento ideológico a partir da década de 1990, sobretudo, o jornalista se tornou um liberal em termos econômicos e políticos, mas conservador em termos éticos e sociais. Além disto, o aspecto conservador liberal de Paulo Francis é mostrado em três momentos da carreira do jornalista: 1 - na polêmica com atriz Tônia Carrero no final dos anos 1950, II - no período da redemocratização do Brasil (1979-1989) que é coincidente com a chegada das ideias neoliberais por aqui e, III - nos finais da década de 1990, período em que o jornalista sofreu a iminência de ser processado pelos diretores da Petrobrás. / This study analyzes a part of the material produced by journalist Paulo Francis (Franz Paul Trannin of Matta Heilborn) in the period of his entry for the newspaper Folha de São Paulo (1975), and his transfer to O Estado de São Paulo (1991) untill the year of his death in 1997. The choice of this material was based on the opinions expressed by the journalist on issues related to liberal conservatism such as freedom, equality, meritocracy, private property, democracy and minority rights. It was reported that through an ideological shift from the 1990s, above all, the journalist became a liberal in economic and political terms, but conservative in ethical and social terms. In addition, the conservative-liberal aspect of Paulo Francis is shown in three moments of the journalist's career: 1 - in the controversy with actress Tonia Carrero in the late 1950s, II - in the period of the redemocratization of Brazil (19791989) that is coinciding with the arrival of neoliberal ideas around here, and III - in the late 1990s, when the journalist suffered the imminence of being sued by the directors of Petrobrás.

Religionens synlighet i en global värld och krav på politiskt inflytande är föremål för debatt och forskning. Ett av forskningsfälten är revideringen av sekulariseringsteorin som öppnat för en avprivatisering av religionen i det civila samhället, där den kan utgöra en motkraft mot totalitära rörelser, kritik av kapitalismen avigsidor som konsumism och en fördjupad diskussion om existentiella frågor. I Sverige är Joel Halldorf - liberal krönikör, akademisk forskare och kristen – en förespråkare för postsekultärt förhållningssätt till den religiösa diversifieringen med grund i migrationen. Undersökningen inriktas på hur Halldorf utifrån sina olika roller argumenterar för religionen ökade inflytande i samhället. En grund för Halldorfs argumentation är en funktionell religionsdefinition som låter Halldorf betona religionernas förmåga att till gemenskap och organisation i föreningar. Halldorfs tankar har mött motstånd från delar av den liberala pressen varför detta motstånd kommer att korreleras mot Halldorfs olika roller i den här uppsatsen. / The visibility of religion in a global world and demands for political influence are subject to debate and research. One of the fields of research is the revision of the theory of secularism which has opened to the de-privatization of religion in civil society, where it can constitute a counterforce against totalitarian movements, criticism of capitalism downsides to consumerism and an in-depth discussion of existential issues. In Sweden, Joel Halldorf - Liberal columnist, academic scientist and Christian - is an advocate of post-secularistic approach to religious diversification based on migration. The survey focuses on how Halldorf based on his different roles argue for religion increased influence in society. A basis for Halldorf's argumentation is a functional definition of religion that allows Halldorf to emphasize the ability of religions to fellowship and organization in associations. Halldorf's thoughts have met resistance from parts of the liberal press why this resistance will be correlated to Halldorf's different roles.

Orientador: Eliseu Savério Sposito / Resumo: A presente tese tem por objetivo compreender a trajetória de mobilidade espacial e social dos profissionais liberais nikkeis no município de Presidente Prudente/SP, por meio dos estratos ocupacionais centralizados nas especialidades de advocacia, de arquitetura, de engenharia civil, de medicina e de odontologia, vislumbrando uma dinâmica de mobilidade para o estudo pelo território e pela territorialidade, dentro de uma escala temporal entre as décadas de 1950-1980, sendo o sujeito da pesquisa o nikkei a partir da segunda (nissei) e da terceira (sansei) geração de descendentes de japoneses no Brasil. Para tanto, os aspectos teórico-metodológicos estão balizados pelos depoimentos orais dos 16 entrevistados nikkeis, que estão descritos e analisados pela literatura especializada da ciência geográfica, através dos conceitos de território de possibilidades e de mobilidade diferenciada. Nessa perspectiva, a mobilidade espacial e social dos profissionais liberais nikkeis tem na educação à motivação para os múltiplos deslocamentos, que perpassam por alguns municípios estratégicos (família, colônia, escola e pensão), no intuito de oferecer o ensino ao nissei e sansei, já que o município de origem nos idos de 1950/1960/1970 não possuía o curso ginasial e o colegial. E muito menos o cursinho preparatório para o vestibular que geralmente era localizado nos grandes centros urbanos (São Paulo/SP, Rio de Janeiro/RJ e Curitiba/PR). Coube aos isseis (1° geração) depois da II Guerra Mundial est... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to understand the spatial and social mobility trajectory of the nikkei liberal professionals in the municipality of Presidente Prudente/SP, through the occupational strata centralized in the specialties of advocacy, architecture, civil engineering, medicine and dentistry, (nissei), and the third (sansei) generation of descendants of the nissei, from the Japanese in Brazil. To that end, the theoretical-methodological aspects are based on the oral statements of the 16 nikkei interviewees, who are described and analyzed by the specialized literature of geographic science, through the concepts of territory of possibilities and differentiated mobility. In this perspective, the physical and social mobility of the nikkei liberal professionals has in the education to the motivation for the multiple displacements, that pass through some strategic municipalities (family, colony, school and pension), in order to offer the education to nissei and sansei, already that the municipality of origin in the years 1950/1960/1970 did not have the junior and high school. And much less the preparatory course for the vestibular that was generally located in the great urban centers (São Paulo/SP, Rio de Janeiro/RJ and Curitiba/PR). It was up to the Isseis (1° generation) after World War II to encourage the families that reterritorialized themselves in the West of São Paulo to invest in the education of their children. In the meantime the Japanese-territorialized Japanese fam... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

This diploma thesis aims to argue for compatibility of liberal perfectionist political theory with liberal-democratic system and sketch desirable consequences of liberal- perfectionistic policies in practice. It is divided into three main parts. The first one presents the perfectionistic theory and tries to clearly define ethical, political and liberal perfectionism. The second part argues for compatibility of liberal- perfectionistic theory with democratic practices through referring to intrinsic contradiction of principle of state neutrality as presented by John Rawls. The last part presents considerations about liberal-perfectionist practice, mainly in civic education, and its possible applications for weakening of populism.

This qualitative research study investigates the perceptions of internships by seven students enrolled in a liberal arts program at an urban four-year R1 research institution; the study aims to understand why these students elected to participate in internships for academic credit when they are not required—Moreover, it explores how characteristics of the internships, such as payment or lack thereof, influence their overall perceptions of the internship experiences and value. This study uses Dewey and Kolb’s theoretical frameworks to emphasize the importance of concrete, hands-on approaches to pragmatic, real-world experiences. As we strive to develop an understanding of student’s internship experiences and their role in prepping them for future careers, we must comprehend how these experiences add value to students beyond the classroom.Purposive sampling in a case study methodology, including semi-structured interviews using open-ended questions, was used to dig into each participant’s perceptions of internships. Participants were asked why they elected to complete their internship for academic credit, what motivated them to do an internship, and their overall perceptions of internships, among other topics. The emerging themes were career clarification through internships, career development, and career-related outcomes. Several sub-themes emerged from the interviews, including exploring career interests and career paths, navigating uncertainty around career choices, learning and personal growth, career planning, skills development, and personal development. The participants were also asked whether they think internships should be mandatory for all students; the general census was yes, and they should be incorporated into the curriculum of the institution. / Educational Leadership

It is vital for future generations to clearly grasp what it means to be global citizens in order for them to be successful and for America to maintain its status as a world leader. The purpose of this mixed-method study was to measure and describe the growth of global attitudes and intercultural sensitivity that fourth-grade students acquire through reading and discussing globally significant children's literature which honors and celebrates diversity worldwide, in terms of culture, race, language, religion, and social status. According to Rosenblatt's transactional theory, readers experience aesthetic transactions with the text leading to an understanding of the world around them. The research question involved whether the use of globally significant children's literature created aesthetic transactions and would result in significant changes in fourth-grade students' intercultural sensitivity and global attitudes. Using literature as a catalyst for group discussions and personal responses related to global issues, 23 fourth-grade students participated in a 12-week study. Qualitative data included participants' personal reading response journals and audio taped group literature circle discussions, which were reviewed and coded for evidence of growth in intercultural sensitivity based on Bennett's developmental model of intercultural sensitivity. Two surveys were developed by the researcher to gather quantitative data. A dependent samples, two-tailed, t test at the p < .05 level was used to test the hypothesis that students' global attitudes and intercultural sensitivity would increase after participating in these literature circles. The statistical data gathered showed gains in both areas. It is recommended that teachers at all grade levels utilize globally significant literature and encourage literary exchanges to promote cultural understandings among their students. Developing a mindset of cultural sensitivity in elementary students can have a positive impact on the relationships between individuals and groups representing diverse cultures.

The dissertation examines in detail the concept of neutrality in political theory literature and assesses the arguments of the defenders and critics of Turkey’s laicism in light of such an examination. After showing the weaknesses and problems in the arguments of various political actors in Turkey, the dissertation defends “modus vivendi liberalism” as a possible solution for the conflicts about Turkey’s laicism. In that regard, the dissertation argues that certain aspects of liberal political theory can be appropriated for Turkish politics for the sake of ensuring stability and peace even if there might be problems with the possibility and desirability of neutrality. The dissertation also discusses what can constitute Turkey’s modus vivendi and offer certain ideas about what may and may not ensure stability and peace in Turkey.

Although DuBois has been the subject of considerable scholarly work, little of that scholarship has concentrated on his political thought. This dissertation addresses that lacuna in the literature on DuBois by analyzing his writings from the standpoint of a concern with their political and philosophical dimensions and their relation to the social and intellectual contexts within which DuBois wrote and acted. Most significant in this research among the contexts within which DuBois' work was constituted are those aspects related to: (1) rise of the corporation as a central organizing force in United States political economy; (2) development of intellectuals as a self-conscious, discernibly interested stratum in twentieth-century American society; and (3) the continuing efforts of elites within the Afro-American population to congeal a social and political agenda for themselves and hegemony over the organization of the race. This study identifies collectivism as a useful critical concept in interpretation of the intellectual and institutional thrusts of those three elements of the environment of DuBois' theoretical development and points of similarity and confluence among them. Collectivism is seen as a meta-theoretical outlook that values specialized expertise in social decision-making, rational organization and planning and asserts the primacy of the economy in society. To that extent collectivism provides a rubric subsuming the principal ideological stances common among intellectuals during the early decades of this century-i.e., socialism, progressivism, and the varieties of managerialism--and their derivatives. DuBois' thought is found to demonstrate sharp continuities at the philosophical or meta-theoretical level. These continuities are most significant in his attitudes concerning the nature and purposes of knowledge and the proper organization of society in general and of the Afro-American population in particular, and they resonate with the attitudes of his collectivist contemporaries. Notwithstanding DuBois' movements into and out of the university and "activism," the Socialist Party, the NAACP, Pan-Africanism and finally the CPUSA, he is found to have maintained throughout his career commitment to: (1) a positivist-pragmatist view of knowledge; (2) a rationalistic, collectivist view of proper social organization, including a preference for meritocracy; and (3) a belief that the elite of "ability" or the "Talented Tenth" should have primacy in and over the Afro-American population.

This study focuses upon the relatively unexplored area of sexual harassment in British universities. In sum, the thesis suggests that although MacKinnon's (2004) aim is to enable women to feel more powerful and less stigmatised, the contribution of feminist harassment discourses may, in part, generate in some women an understanding of powerlessness and vulnerability. In particular, it suggests seemingly prevailing discourses surrounding sexual harassment in higher education and considers if and how the women interviewed define themselves through these discourses. Thus, by exploring the power effects of and resistances to these suggested prevailing discourses, it is possible to infer the degree to which these discourses may have constituted the participants' subjectivities. Further, the thesis argues that feminist harassment discourses may have generated specific effects of power with regard to my participants. That is to say, many of my participants seem to understand sexual harassment as exploitative behaviours rooted in the unequal distribution of ascribed power in higher education. Feminism's understanding of power as a static and gendered appears to have generated for the participants, at least in part, the understanding that sex at work is used to humiliate and degrade women, maintaining and reproducing ascribed notions of power. For this research, twenty-four unstructured interviews were carried out with women who had identified themselves as having experienced sexual harassment within higher education, either as a student or a member of staff, or who had witnessed events they had defined as sexual harassment. This was a passionately interested form of inquiry, recognising the partial nature of knowledge and identifying my political positionings (Gill 1995; Aranda 2006). The analysis is Foucauldian oriented, understanding power as fluid - rather than possessed - and as generating particular ways of being. In addition, although it notes that the participants did resists specific effects of power, this resistance always takes place from a new point of power and does not, therefore, carry us beyond power into a power free space. The prevailing discourses suggested from my data are: the 'grades for sex' discourse; the 'all boys together' discourse; the 'trustworthy lecturer' discourse; the 'knickers in a twist' discourse; and the 'sexual harassment as unwanted sexual behaviour' discourse. Supervisors: Dr. Kristin Aune and Dr. Gordon Riches