From the mid-1990s, the amalgamation of security, development, and humanitarian imperatives under the single umbrella of ‘state-building’ has provided a compelling justification for increasingly intrusive interventions into the political, economic, and social affairs of subject countries. Guided by the assumptions of liberal peace theory, state-building initiatives engage directly with states, seeking to achieve a reformulation of structures of government as a first step towards the implementation of wider socio-economic reforms. The state-building project is geared towards the construction of a particular form of statehood in subject states; state institutions are to be reconstructed in accordance with a liberal template, and tasked with establishing the necessary institutional environment for market-led development and the liberal peace. Contemporary discourses of state-building and development are fundamentally interlinked, representing a unified process of neo-liberal replication in subject states, whereby fundamental transformations of social, political, and economic structures are to be implemented and sustained through the construction of liberal state institutions. Pressure to court international approval due to conditions of aid dependence curtails the potential for meaningful democracy in subject countries. Key questions of social and economic policy are subsumed as technical matters of good governance and removed from domestic democratic contestation, facilitating a transfer of formerly domestic considerations into the international sphere. These interlocking processes of state-building and neo-liberal discipline have contributed to an inversion of sovereign statehood, whereby the state serves to channel inward an externally driven agenda, rather than acting as a sovereign expression of domestic interests. This reality raises important questions regarding the nature of democracy in post-conflict environments, and in particular the impact of state-building activities on the prospects for broadly inclusive democracy in subject states. This study will examine the evolution of state-building as a critical components of peace-building missions, its central assumptions and goals, and its implementation in practice in Timor-Leste. The state-building process in Timor-Leste has contributed to the formation of an insulated state with little basis in Timorese society. The democratic experience in Timor-Leste has been profoundly disempowering; conditions of aid dependence have constrained elected governments in key areas of social and economic policy, resulting in a loss of popular legitimacy and mounting public disenchantment. Closer examination of food and agricultural policy and management of Timorese oil reserves reveals the extent to which government policy remains constrained by international preferences. In these areas, the government’s inability to act in the interests of the Timorese public has compounded social hardships and popular discontent, contributing to the build-up of anti-government sentiment that manifested itself in the 2006 crisis.

The article explores the potential of a Polanyian analysis for overcoming the current Manichean opposition between cosmopolitan globalizers and reactionary nationalists. For long, Karl Polanyi has inspired socio-economic thinking in different ways. First, his reflections on the end of the first period of globalization in the 1930s offer insights for analysing the current political-economic situation. Furthermore, Polanyi contributes to an institutional analysis and utopian thinking towards a civilization for all. His approach enables a combination of a critique of current neoliberal globalization as a renewed version of the "liberal Utopia" with a cultural and ecological critique of capitalism as a mode of production and living. In this respect, Karl Polanyi may be contrasted to Friedrich Hayek, both contemporaries of Red Vienna, an ambitious project of local socialism as a step towards a "good life for all". The social and cultural struggles in Vienna during the 1920s and 1930s offer insights for current confrontations worldwide, but especially in Brazil where the reformist attempts of civilizing capitalism where confronted with severe opposition. Instead of the false polarization between globalization and nationalism, policies "for the select few" are opposed to policies "for all". Finally, Polanyi's reflections will be used to shed light onto the current impasse resulting from the illegitimate deposition of president Dilma Rousseff.

A presente dissertação busca trabalhar o problema do debate liberal-comunitarista, tomando por base a filosofia política de Charles Taylor. A proposta é a de explicitar alguns dos termos do debate, no tocante à situação do patriotismo, ou virtude republicana, na sociedade moderna e no Estado Liberal dito "neutro". Partindo da filosofia do self de Charles Taylor, a dissertação busca esquematizar as características do self moderno. Esse self, advoga-se, é próprio de um determinado Estado: o Estado Liberal dito "neutro", isto é, "neutro" no sentido de negar privilégios a determinados estilos de vida em detrimento de outros. E esta mesma neutralidade, em contrapartida, seria um espelho das características desse self moderno. Analisa-se as relações desse self moderno com esse Estado liberal dito "neutro", e de como as teorias tipicamente liberais, ou procedimentalistas, segundo Charles Taylor, falham em reconhecer essas relações, levando a crer que o self moderno não contaria com nenhuma fonte moral que o mantivesse ligado à sociedade política, ao Estado liberal dito "neutro" que é, ao mesmo tempo, possibilitador e reflexo desse self moderno. O trabalho busca, por fim, com auxílio da filosofia de Charles Taylor, resgatar a noção de patriotismo, dentro da esfera das virtudes republicanas, a fim de sugerir uma resolução do conflito, reestabelecendo a integridade das relações entre o self moderno e o Estado liberal dito "neutro". Para tanto, foi desenvolvida uma pesquisa bibliográfica com ênfase nas obras de Charles Taylor "Argumentos Filosóficos", "Fontes do Self" e "A Secular Age", com auxílio de outras. Examinou-se profundamente a bibliografia de Charles Taylor a fim de identificar seu método com clareza, para utilizá-lo no presente trabalho. / This dissertation seeks to address the problem of the liberal-communitarian debate, based on the political philosophy of Charles Taylor. The proposal is to clarify some of the terms of the debate regarding the situation of patriotism and the republican virtues in the modern society and the supposedly "neutral" liberal State. Based on the philosophy of self Charles Taylor, the dissertation outlines the characteristics of the modern self. This self, this dissertation advocates, is proper of a particular state: the supposedly "neutral" liberal State, ie, "neutral" in the sense of denying privileges to certain lifestyles over others. And this same neutrality, in contrast, would be a mirror of the characteristics of modern self. The dissertation analyses the relationship of self with that modern liberal state called "neutral", and how typically liberal theories, or proceduralists, according to Charles Taylor, fail to recognize these relationships, leading to the belief that the modern self would not count on any source moral to keep it connected to the political society, the supposedly "neutral" liberal State which is at the same time, enabler and a reflection of modern self. The job search, finally, with the aid of the philosophy of Charles Taylor, to rescue the notion of patriotism, within the sphere of republican virtues, in order to suggest a resolution of the conflict, reestablishing the integrity of relationships between the self and the supposedly "neutral" liberal State. To that end, a bibliographical references research with emphasis on the works of Charles Taylor "Philosophical Arguments", "Sources of the Self" and "A Secular Age" has been developed, with the addition of some others. The works of Charles Taylor have been researched deeply in order to identify clearly his method, to put it in use it in this work.

Esta pesquisa avalia a imprensa brasileira da década anterior ao golpe civil-militar (1955/64) que encerrou a experiência democrática. O objetivo é verificar como o jornalismo de vertente liberal reagiu às transformações políticas e sociais do período, buscando identificar a possível influência deste setor sobre a opinião pública. Tratando especificamente do jornalismo impresso, a análise buscará entender como as empresas jornalísticas atuaram politicamente em favor de interesses econômicos e ideológicos. / This research evaluates the Brazilian press of the previous decade to civil-military coup (1955/64) which closed the democratic experience. The objective is to check how the journalism aspect of liberal reacted to the political and social changes of the period, seeking to identify the possible influence of this sector on public opinion. Addressing specifically the print journalism, analysis searches for understanding how the journalistic companies acted politically in favor of economic and ideological interests.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-03-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:09Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 souza_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 951240 bytes, checksum: d684b449784f6edb48ef83e33ca5402a (MD5) / O Partido Liberal paraguaio foi fundado em 1887, mas desde 1870 tentava se articular como grupo político, com a finalidade de chegar ao poder, o que viria a acontecer em 1904. Dessa data até o fim de seu mandado, em 1936, articulou o Estado e a sociedade dentro de uma perspectiva liberal, em um país que se encontrava em fase de reconstrução, após uma guerra que lhe custara vidas e parte de seu território, dentro de uma conjuntura internacional de implantação do liberalismo como doutrina política, e de consolidação da fase industrial do capitalismo. Esteve dividido em diversas facções, e estas contribuíram para aumentar a fragilidade política do país, devido à ligação do partido com o governo, e uma constante troca de presidentes, que não conseguiam concluir o próprio mandato e, assim, realizar seus planos de governo. A preocupação fundamental desse grande número de presidentes foi com as finanças do Estado, com a idéia de que, ao sanear a moeda e o meio circulante, resolveriam os problemas prementes do país. Em uma perspectiva reformista, o partido conseguiu operar de forma racional a economia do país, mas deixou em segundo plano as questões sociais. Durante sua permanência, o Paraguai continuou contando com apenas um partido na oposição, e os grupos de pressão política foram desarticulados, configurando uma sociedade que ficou marginalizada da política empreendida pelo partido. / The Paraguayan Liberal Party was founded in 1887, but since 1870 it tried to articulate as political group with the purpose of arriving to the power, what would come to happen in 1904. From that date to the end of its mandate in 1936, it articulated the State and the society in a liberal perspective, in a country that was in a reconstruction phase, after a war that had cost it lives and part of its territory, inside of an international conjuncture of implementation of liberalism as political doctrine, and of consolidation of the industrial phase of the capitalism. The party was divided in several factions, and this contributed to increase the political fragility of the country, due to the connection of the party with the government, and a constant change of presidents, that didn't get to conclude its own mandate, thus accomplishing its government plans. The fundamental concern of that great number of presidents was with the finances of the State, with the idea that with sound money and circulating medium they would solve the main problems. From a reformist perspective, they achieved to operate in a rational way the economy of the country, but left in second plan the social subjects. During the permanence of the Liberals, Paraguay remained with just a party in the opposition, and the groups of political pressure were disjointed, configuring a society that was apart from the politics developed by the party.

A Justiça como Imparcialidade de Brian Barry propõe uma teoria de justiça imparcial como única solução legítima para uma sociedade encontrar princípios com os quais todos possam consentir. Essa concepção de justiça não pode impor aos indivíduos um comportamento de primeira-ordem. Ao contrário, deve se referir unicamente às instituições e estas devem acomodar as diversas concepções de Bem da sociedade. Se a sociedade for capaz de encontrar tais princípios, então será possível a vida em sociedade com tolerância mútua. Esta dissertação explora as razões de Barry para escolha dessa abordagem e aponta possíveis desafios não resolvidos por sua teoria. / Brian Barrys Justice as Impartiality conceives a theory of impartial justice as the only legitimated solution to a society who wants to find principles according to those everybody might consent. This theory should not impose a first-order behavior to individuals. Moreover, such concept of justice must be impartial in regard to individuals conceptions of good. This dissertation explores the reasons that led Barry to choose this approach, and suggests possible challenges unsolved by his theory.

Esta pesquisa avalia a imprensa brasileira da década anterior ao golpe civil-militar (1955/64) que encerrou a experiência democrática. O objetivo é verificar como o jornalismo de vertente liberal reagiu às transformações políticas e sociais do período, buscando identificar a possível influência deste setor sobre a opinião pública. Tratando especificamente do jornalismo impresso, a análise buscará entender como as empresas jornalísticas atuaram politicamente em favor de interesses econômicos e ideológicos. / This research evaluates the Brazilian press of the previous decade to civil-military coup (1955/64) which closed the democratic experience. The objective is to check how the journalism aspect of liberal reacted to the political and social changes of the period, seeking to identify the possible influence of this sector on public opinion. Addressing specifically the print journalism, analysis searches for understanding how the journalistic companies acted politically in favor of economic and ideological interests.

A presente dissertação busca trabalhar o problema do debate liberal-comunitarista, tomando por base a filosofia política de Charles Taylor. A proposta é a de explicitar alguns dos termos do debate, no tocante à situação do patriotismo, ou virtude republicana, na sociedade moderna e no Estado Liberal dito "neutro". Partindo da filosofia do self de Charles Taylor, a dissertação busca esquematizar as características do self moderno. Esse self, advoga-se, é próprio de um determinado Estado: o Estado Liberal dito "neutro", isto é, "neutro" no sentido de negar privilégios a determinados estilos de vida em detrimento de outros. E esta mesma neutralidade, em contrapartida, seria um espelho das características desse self moderno. Analisa-se as relações desse self moderno com esse Estado liberal dito "neutro", e de como as teorias tipicamente liberais, ou procedimentalistas, segundo Charles Taylor, falham em reconhecer essas relações, levando a crer que o self moderno não contaria com nenhuma fonte moral que o mantivesse ligado à sociedade política, ao Estado liberal dito "neutro" que é, ao mesmo tempo, possibilitador e reflexo desse self moderno. O trabalho busca, por fim, com auxílio da filosofia de Charles Taylor, resgatar a noção de patriotismo, dentro da esfera das virtudes republicanas, a fim de sugerir uma resolução do conflito, reestabelecendo a integridade das relações entre o self moderno e o Estado liberal dito "neutro". Para tanto, foi desenvolvida uma pesquisa bibliográfica com ênfase nas obras de Charles Taylor "Argumentos Filosóficos", "Fontes do Self" e "A Secular Age", com auxílio de outras. Examinou-se profundamente a bibliografia de Charles Taylor a fim de identificar seu método com clareza, para utilizá-lo no presente trabalho. / This dissertation seeks to address the problem of the liberal-communitarian debate, based on the political philosophy of Charles Taylor. The proposal is to clarify some of the terms of the debate regarding the situation of patriotism and the republican virtues in the modern society and the supposedly "neutral" liberal State. Based on the philosophy of self Charles Taylor, the dissertation outlines the characteristics of the modern self. This self, this dissertation advocates, is proper of a particular state: the supposedly "neutral" liberal State, ie, "neutral" in the sense of denying privileges to certain lifestyles over others. And this same neutrality, in contrast, would be a mirror of the characteristics of modern self. The dissertation analyses the relationship of self with that modern liberal state called "neutral", and how typically liberal theories, or proceduralists, according to Charles Taylor, fail to recognize these relationships, leading to the belief that the modern self would not count on any source moral to keep it connected to the political society, the supposedly "neutral" liberal State which is at the same time, enabler and a reflection of modern self. The job search, finally, with the aid of the philosophy of Charles Taylor, to rescue the notion of patriotism, within the sphere of republican virtues, in order to suggest a resolution of the conflict, reestablishing the integrity of relationships between the self and the supposedly "neutral" liberal State. To that end, a bibliographical references research with emphasis on the works of Charles Taylor "Philosophical Arguments", "Sources of the Self" and "A Secular Age" has been developed, with the addition of some others. The works of Charles Taylor have been researched deeply in order to identify clearly his method, to put it in use it in this work.

Este estudo compara as situações políticas de Egito, Turquia e Argélia, três Estados de maioria muçulmana, onde existem movimentos políticos islâmicos influentes. Neste trabalho, é verificado se os movimentos e partidos islâmicos são compatíveis ou acomodáveis com os Estados egípcio, turco e argelino. Utilizando a comparação dos conceitos de soberania popular e democracia liberal com o Islã e o Islamismo (também conhecido como \"Islã político\"), são considerados todos os casos históricos de cada sociedade. / this study compares and contrasts political situations in Egypt, Turkey and Algeria, three muslim majority states, where there are political islam´s influent movements. In this work, it´s verified if the Islamic and islamist movements are compatible or accommodable to Egyptian, Turkish and Algerian secular states. Comparing and contrasting concepts of people´s sovereignty and liberal democracy to Islam and islamism (also known as \"political Islam\"), this study considers all the historical cases in each society.

A presente dissertação busca trabalhar o problema do debate liberal-comunitarista, tomando por base a filosofia política de Charles Taylor. A proposta é a de explicitar alguns dos termos do debate, no tocante à situação do patriotismo, ou virtude republicana, na sociedade moderna e no Estado Liberal dito "neutro". Partindo da filosofia do self de Charles Taylor, a dissertação busca esquematizar as características do self moderno. Esse self, advoga-se, é próprio de um determinado Estado: o Estado Liberal dito "neutro", isto é, "neutro" no sentido de negar privilégios a determinados estilos de vida em detrimento de outros. E esta mesma neutralidade, em contrapartida, seria um espelho das características desse self moderno. Analisa-se as relações desse self moderno com esse Estado liberal dito "neutro", e de como as teorias tipicamente liberais, ou procedimentalistas, segundo Charles Taylor, falham em reconhecer essas relações, levando a crer que o self moderno não contaria com nenhuma fonte moral que o mantivesse ligado à sociedade política, ao Estado liberal dito "neutro" que é, ao mesmo tempo, possibilitador e reflexo desse self moderno. O trabalho busca, por fim, com auxílio da filosofia de Charles Taylor, resgatar a noção de patriotismo, dentro da esfera das virtudes republicanas, a fim de sugerir uma resolução do conflito, reestabelecendo a integridade das relações entre o self moderno e o Estado liberal dito "neutro". Para tanto, foi desenvolvida uma pesquisa bibliográfica com ênfase nas obras de Charles Taylor "Argumentos Filosóficos", "Fontes do Self" e "A Secular Age", com auxílio de outras. Examinou-se profundamente a bibliografia de Charles Taylor a fim de identificar seu método com clareza, para utilizá-lo no presente trabalho. / This dissertation seeks to address the problem of the liberal-communitarian debate, based on the political philosophy of Charles Taylor. The proposal is to clarify some of the terms of the debate regarding the situation of patriotism and the republican virtues in the modern society and the supposedly "neutral" liberal State. Based on the philosophy of self Charles Taylor, the dissertation outlines the characteristics of the modern self. This self, this dissertation advocates, is proper of a particular state: the supposedly "neutral" liberal State, ie, "neutral" in the sense of denying privileges to certain lifestyles over others. And this same neutrality, in contrast, would be a mirror of the characteristics of modern self. The dissertation analyses the relationship of self with that modern liberal state called "neutral", and how typically liberal theories, or proceduralists, according to Charles Taylor, fail to recognize these relationships, leading to the belief that the modern self would not count on any source moral to keep it connected to the political society, the supposedly "neutral" liberal State which is at the same time, enabler and a reflection of modern self. The job search, finally, with the aid of the philosophy of Charles Taylor, to rescue the notion of patriotism, within the sphere of republican virtues, in order to suggest a resolution of the conflict, reestablishing the integrity of relationships between the self and the supposedly "neutral" liberal State. To that end, a bibliographical references research with emphasis on the works of Charles Taylor "Philosophical Arguments", "Sources of the Self" and "A Secular Age" has been developed, with the addition of some others. The works of Charles Taylor have been researched deeply in order to identify clearly his method, to put it in use it in this work.