The purpose of this study is to determine the extent and reasons for teacher/learner sexual abuse in South Africa. Using a case study design, the researcher collected contextual data on this phenomenon at six schools in the Limpopo Province. With a view to determining whether or not national and provincial attitudes to school-based sexual abuse affect sexual behaviour at local levels, she also collected relevant national and provincial data. The combination of the three sets of data enabled her to draw not only contextual, but also general conclusions on this phenomenon. Using interview schedules and questionnaires as instruments, the researcher collected information on school-based sexual abuse from selected school principals, Grade 11 learners, departmental officials, and representatives of various organisations. Informed by the assumption that context and culture affect behaviour, the researcher recorded her observations of the physical and emotional climate and culture of the schools serving as research sites. She also collected statistical data on the incidence of sexual abuse, analysed official documents dealing with sexual issues, and consulted academic literature on the topic. The researcher used an inductive approach to data analysis, making use of open, axial and selective coding methods. Qualitative data provided information on the nature and causes of school-based sexual relations. Quantitative data provided numerical information on the extent of the problem. Together, the data enabled her not only to paint a picture of the nature and extent of school-based sexual relationships, but also to uncover the role that socio-cultural factors play in this regard. <-p> The particular significance of this study lies in the fact that it approaches sexual abuse from a socio-cultural perspective. More specifically, it investigates the possibility that teacher/learner sexual abuse has, over the years, become part of African culture, and that the silence on such practices might be rooted in traditional, patriarchal views on gender and social justice. The research findings indicate that there might well be a growing resistance to what is regarded by some communities as the imposition of liberal, urban, value systems on traditional, rural African people. Finally, the study provides evidence that legal, administrative and managerial approaches do not have the potential to resolve cultural conflict. This research opens the door to different ways of approaching a difficult problem like sexual abuse. In exploring other strategies, particularly those more tuned to the needs of traditional communities, the occurrence of sexual abuse at schools might be resolved. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

In 2018, the Sweden Democrats party has gained 17.5 per cent of the votes during the Swedish general elections. Consequently, with this success, they became the third largest party in the riksdag. However, the party’s rapid growth has created several questions in the political arena and the Swedish society about the party’s ideological affiliations and evolutions. The political scientists, Mudde (2010) and Widfeldt (2008) argue that in order to understand a party’s improvements, it is important to explore a party’s ideological evolution. Scholars have argued that Sweden Democrats have normalized their ideas and values; adopted liberal values in some policy areas in order to attract a large number of voters, succeed and survive in the political system. The aim of this study is to explore the party’s idea/ideology changes since its creation in 1988 until present 2019. Hence, the main purpose is to find out if the core ideologies of the Sweden Democrats - that is nativism, authoritarianism and populism- as expressed in their party programs respectively electoral manifestos, are characterized by continuity or by normalization, and adaptation to liberal values. Using Marie Demker’s (1993) concept of ideology, ideal types for radical right populism and liberalism have been constructed as analytical tool. The study shows that throughout the years, the party’s nativist world view and strategy have been changed and normalized, the authoritarian world view has mainly been constant but the strategy has had major changes; shifted to liberal values, and finally regarding populism; both world view and strategy are characterized by continuity.

According to Ronald Ingleharts research deindustrialized and affluent societies are expected to have increasingly open, progressive, and tolerant citizens. However, during the last decade political developments have been reversed. More than 25% of Europeans now adays vote for a right-wing populist party. In addition, the globalization has created winning and losing regions, with one of its biggest impacts being deindustrialization of the West. Big cities have flourished while disfavored suburbs, smaller industrial towns and rural communities have been marginalized. Consequently, the support for right-wing populist movements is often highest in such negatively affected areas. Inglehart have previously explained this through the idea of a “conservative backlash” caused by a combination of increasing inequality and culturally revolting age-cohorts. His arguments are mainly based on cross-national or intranational data while other research pointing at the necessity to analyze the association between regional deindustrialization and the rise of the far right. This thesis filles that gap by conducting a multi- level analysis, in which Ingleharts theory is tested by studying associations between values and changing levels of industrialization in 327 European regions. The result confirms earlier research regarding the association between industrialization and authoritarian-libertarian values, but puts in to question Ingleharts explanation of inequality as the reason for the contemporary conservative backlashes. The result shows no support for a relationship between inequality and authoritarian-liberal values.