Thesis (Ph.D. (Systematic Theology and Theological Ethics)) -- University of the North, 2000 / Refer to document

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Limpopo, 2008. / The Black youth struggled against the apartheid regime as the title indicates because as Blacks the policy made them to suffer. They were oppressed in the country of their birth. Before the militant youth involvement in the liberation struggle in the 1970s there were a few Black youths who tried to force the government to relinquish its policy. They were unsuccessful. This was because they were opposed to the government as members of the various Black organisations. They were not united. SASO with its Black Consciousness philosophy brought unity amongst all the Black youth and put them on the vanguard of the struggle. These youth did not just mobilize and unite Blacks (organisation and non organisation members) through public criticism of the apartheid system. They also mounted physical attacks on enemy targets such as police stations etc. South Africa became ungovernable. This resistance compelled the government to release political prisoners and to relinquish power in 1994.

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE WITS SCHOOL OF THE ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF THE WITWATERSRAND, 2015 / South Africa’s post-apartheid era has, in a space of nearly two decades, experienced a massive memory boom manifest in a plethora of new memorials, monuments, museums and the renaming of streets, parks, dams and buildings. This memorialisation process is intrinsically linked to questions of power, struggles and contestation in the making and remaking of the South African nation. The questions of power, struggle and contestation manifest as a wave of debates on the place of history, collective memory, identity and social cohesion in the inception as well as the functioning of the various memorialisation projects in society. This thesis concludes that debates concerning the meaning(s) as well as the way in which the June 16, 1976 uprisings have been memorialized, has been ongoing for the last three decades, and will continue into the future. This, as the findings bear out, is because the wider contextual situating of collective memory in its intangible and tangible form is intrinsically linked to complex experiences of the past; to ongoing experiments of a “nation” in the making, as well as pressing contemporary social challenges. The thesis also concludes that questions of power, struggle and contestation also manifest as a quest for relevant idioms and aesthetics of re-representation and memorialisation. Further, the thesis makes observations on the politics behind the assembling and the assembled archive as a toolkit in the fashioning of pasts and the making of collective memory. It reflects on the processes of re-thinking and remaking of the June 16, 1976 archive. These conclusions have been arrived at through an investigation of how the memory and meaning of the June 16, 1976 uprisings have been re-constructed, re-represented and fashioned over the last three decades. This was done by tracking and analysing the complex, diverse forms and character of its memorialisation. In the process, the study arrives at a conclusion that the memorialisation of the June 16, 1976 uprisings is characterised by the multiplicity of tangible and intangible features. The intangible features are characterised by forgetting, at one level, and are, on another level, animated through rituals of commemoration, counter- commemoration and memorial debate. The memorial debate on the uprisings is that of unity and diversity, division, contestation and counter-commemoration and essentially irresolvable, as history and memory are tools to address contemporary challenges.

This paper is intended to analyze the contributions of Contextual Theology and Contextual theologians to dismantling the South African apartheid system. It is intended to demonstrate that the South African churches failed to effectively politicize and radicalize to confront the government until the advent of Contextual Theology in South Africa. Contextual Theology provided the Christian clergy the theological justification to unite with anti-apartheid organizations. Its very concept of working with the poor and oppressed helped the churches gain favor with the black masses that were mostly Christian. Its borrowing from Marxist philosophy appealed to anti-apartheid organizations. Additionally, Contextual theologians, who were primarily black, began filling prominent leadership roles in their churches and within the ecumenical organizations. They were mainly responsible for radicalizing the churches and the ecumenical organizations. They also filled an important anti-apartheid political leadership vacuum when most political leaders were banned, jailed, or killed.

Nous étudions un corpus de films dédiés aux luttes de libération autour de la Tricontinentale de 1966 à 1975. Par l’expression "tricontinentale", nous désignons les "trois continents" du tiers-monde (l'Afrique, l'Asie et l'Amérique Latine), et surtout la Conférence de Solidarité Tricontinentale qui s’est tenue à La Havane en 1966, ainsi que l'organisation et la revue du même nom. La Tricontinentale, dont Mehdi Ben Barka avait présidé le comité préparatoire de cet événement qui devait renforcer l'unité du tiers-monde en lutte contre l'impérialisme, le colonialisme et le néo-colonialisme à l’échelle mondiale. Nous commençons par retracer la genèse du cinéma dans les luttes de libération (la guerre d’indépendance algérienne), avant de proposer un corpus de films autour de la constellation tricontinentale, en prenant en compte l’image fixe (l’affiche) et animée (le film). Ensuite, ce corpus est mis en situation autour de deux axes principaux : l’Afrique et l’Amérique latine, avec la guerre du Vietnam en toile de fond. Il concerne notamment les cinéastes suivants : Santiago Álvarez, Julio García Espinosa, Mario Handler, William Klein, Yann Le Masson, Glauber Rocha, Alberto Roldán, Ugo Ulive, René Vautier. Ce cinéma de la libération du tiers-monde s’accompagne d’une production théorique que nous étudierons, à travers des textes comme : "Pour un cinéma parallèle" (anonyme), "Esthétique de la violence" (G. Rocha), "Vers un troisième cinéma" (F. Solanas et O. Getino"), "Pour un cinéma imparfait" (J. G. Espinosa). Les caractéristiques stylistiques et formelles de ces films axés sur la libération sont analysées, avant d’interroger le passage de l’heure des brasiers à l’heure des cendres et du désarroi, en questionnant l’apport théorique et pratique des films de notre corpus. / We study a corpus of films dedicated to the liberation struggles around the Tricontinental from 1966 to 1975. The expression "Tricontinental" applies to the three continents of the third world (Africa, Asia and Latin America), and mainly the Tricontinental Solidarity Conference which took place in Havana in1966, and also the organization and the publication with the same name. Mehdi Ben Barka was the Chairman of the Preparing Committee of the Tricontinental event, which had to reinforce the unity of the struggling third world against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism all over the world. First, we show the genesis of cinema in the liberation struggles (the Algerian war of independence). Then we create a corpus of films around the tricontinental constellation, taking into account the posters and the animated images. This corpus is located at two main places: Africa and Latin America, at the background of Vietnam war. It includes works directed by: Santiago Álvarez, Julio García Espinosa, Mario Handler, William Klein, Yann Le Masson, Glauber Rocha, Alberto Roldán, Ugo Ulive, René Vautier. Various texts were written accompanying this cinema of third world’s liberation. We examine theories and manifestos such as: "For a Parallel Cinema (Anonymous)", "Esthetic of violence" (G. Rocha), "Towards a third cinema" (F. Solanas and O. Getino), "For an Imperfect Cinema" (J.G. Espinosa). The stylistic and the formal characteristics of these films are analyzed, in order to question the crossing from the hour of furnaces to the hour of the ashes and confusion, thinking about the theoretical and practical impact of these films.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke's legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women's Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history. / South Africa

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.

Cette thèse porte sur les représentations filmiques de la guerre de Libération(1964-1974) et de la Révolution mozambicaine (1975-1987) et vise à analyser les enjeux esthétiques et politiques du cinéma révolutionnaire de ce pays. La compréhension de cette problématique passe dans un premier temps par un examen des différentes logiques qui ont présidé aux positionnements de la théorie anticoloniale à l’égard de la culture pour ensuite interroger la politique du cinéma d’État et ses contradictions. Les représentations filmiques de es deux processus historiques furent un instrument essentiel pour la formation de l’identité nationale, à l’intérieur d’un dispositif épistémique historiographique. En reconstituant les principes d’une culture de libération transnationale, cette thèse envisage de considérer les conditions politiques, idéologiques et technologiques qui conduisirent à la fondation de l’Institut national de cinéma mozambicain (INC) en mars 1976 et l’orientation que le Front de libération du Mozambique (FRELIMO) tenta d’imprimer au cinéma.La délimitation des trois phases du cinéma révolutionnaire mozambicain mettra en exergue les déséquilibres entre la coexistence d’un projet de production cinématographique collective, l’expérimentation formelle et les postulats du programme étatique. La notion de «forme-événement » nous permettra de concilier deux dimensions de la production esthétique :celle qui envisage l’art comme reflet ; celle qui le considère à partir de ses effets. À travers l’analyse esthétique formelle et historique d’un ensemble de films singuliers réalisés entre 1966et 1987, nous chercherons à mettre en évidence les positions prises par les cinéastes, les résistances et les rapports successifs et contradictoires entre le cinéma collectif, d’auteur et d’État. De l’étude approfondie du film Mueda, Memória e Massacre (1979-1980) de Ruy Guerraet de son histoire matérielle émergera une connaissance archéologique et critique du programme politique et culturel mozambicain.Cette thèse envisage également une insertion du cinéma révolutionnaire mozambicain dans son contexte historique et culturel en élaborant une cartographie du cinéma de Libération en relation avec la conjoncture politique des années 1960 et 1970. La notion de « cinéma de Libération » se trouve dans un cadre historique, géographique et catégoriel par rapport à l’histoire du cinéma politique, d’avant-garde et expérimental et de l’histoire du cinéma en général. L’étude d’une série d’oeuvres filmiques nous permettra d’établir une cartographie extensible du cinéma de Libération, englobant le cinéma révolutionnaire portugais (1974-1982)et l’« état de la forme » de ce cinéma. / The dissertation focuses on the filmic representations of the War of Liberation(1964-1974) and of the revolution (1975-1987) in Mozambique, and aims to analyse the aesthetic and political issues of Mozambican revolutionary cinema. To understand this question,the various logics that guided the positions of anti-colonial theory with regard to culture are examined in the first instance, while the State cinema policy and its contradictions are reassessed in the second instance. The filmic representations of these two historical processes were an essential instrument for the construction of national identity, within an epistemic historiographical apparatus. By reconstructing the principles of a culture of transnational liberation, the dissertation intends to consider the political, ideological, and technological conditions which led to the foundation of Mozambique’s National Institute of Cinema (INC) inMarch of 1976, and the orientation that the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) attempted to ascribe to cinema.The identification of three phases of Mozambican revolutionary cinema will highlight the discrepancy between the coexistence of a project for the collectivisation of film production,formal experimentation and the premises of the State programme. The notion of ‘form-event’will allow us to reconcile two dimensions of the aesthetic production: one, which considers art as a reflection; another, which considers it in terms of its outcomes. Through the formal aestheticand historical analysis of a set of singular films produced between 1966 and 1987, we will seekto problematize the positions adopted by the filmmakers, the points of resistance, as well as the succession of contradictory forms of relation between collective, auteur and State cinema. Anarchaeological and critical knowledge of the Mozambican political and cultural programme will emerge from the comprehensive analysis of Ruy Guerra’s Mueda, Memória e Massacre(1979-1980).The dissertation purports to replace Mozambican revolutionary cinema in its historicaland cultural context by drawing a cartography of the Cinema of Liberation in relation to the political situation of the 1960s and 1970s. The concept of ‘Cinema of Liberation’ is sited in a historical, geographical and categorial framework with respect to the history of political, avantgarde,and experimental cinema, and to the history of cinema in general. The analysis of a selection of films will allow us to extensively map the Cinema of Liberation, including the cinema of the Portuguese Revolution (1974-1982) and the ‘state of the form’ of this cinema.

<p>The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women&rsquo / s studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke&rsquo / s legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women&rsquo / s Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history.</p>

<p>The study outlines five areas of intervention in the development of women&rsquo / s studies and politics on the continent. Firstly, it examines the problematic construction and the inclusion of women in the narratives of the liberation struggle in South Africa. Secondly, the study identifies the sphere of intellectual debates as one of the crucial sites in the production of historical knowledge about the legacies of liberation struggles on the continent. Thirdly, it traces the intellectual trajectory of Charlotte Maxeke as an embodiment of the intellectual contributions of women in the struggle for liberation in South Africa. In this regard, the study traces Charlotte Maxeke as she deliberated and engaged on matters pertaining to the welfare of the Africans alongside the prominent intellectuals of the twentieth century. Fourthly, the study inaugurates a theoretical departure from the documentary trends that define contemporary studies on women and liberation movements on the continent. Fifthly, the study examines the incorporation of Maxeke&rsquo / s legacy of active intellectual engagement as an integral part of gender politics in the activities of the Women&rsquo / s Section of the African National Congress. In the areas identified, the study engages with the significance of the intellectual inputs of Charlotte Maxeke in South African history.</p>