<p><font face="Times New Roman"> <p align="left">Ukwangali district is located in the western part of the Kavango region approximately 70 kilometers west of the regional town Rundu. This thesis explores and documents the local political dimensions which prevailed in the uKwangali district of Namibia between 1966-1989. The study seeks to find out why the uKwangali district became a war zone outside of the main theatre of war in nearby Ovamboland, and how its residents became part of the Namibian armed liberation struggle.</p> </font></p>

<p><font face="Times New Roman"> <p align="left">Ukwangali district is located in the western part of the Kavango region approximately 70 kilometers west of the regional town Rundu. This thesis explores and documents the local political dimensions which prevailed in the uKwangali district of Namibia between 1966-1989. The study seeks to find out why the uKwangali district became a war zone outside of the main theatre of war in nearby Ovamboland, and how its residents became part of the Namibian armed liberation struggle.</p> </font></p>

Magister Artium - MA / Ukwangali district is located in the western part of the Kavango region approximately 70 kilometers west of the regional town Rundu. This thesis explores and documents the local political dimensions which prevailed in the uKwangali district of Namibia between 1966-1989. The study seeks to find out why the uKwangali district became a war zone outside of the main theatre of war in nearby Ovamboland, and how its residents became part of the Namibian armed liberation struggle.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Over the past four years, growing volumes of media literature centre staged the Namibian economy with the dilemma of the ‘Children of the Liberation Struggle of Namibia’ (CoLSoN) in their resilient protest for employment. Yet, amid such chronicled portrayal and persistent social, economic and political discourse, the underpinnings of the plight of the CoLSoN for labour market participation received vigorous scholarly inattention and remained scientifically unexplored. This study, therefore, contributes to the body of knowledge on the employability, employment prospects and vulnerability to unemployment, and public policy interventions depicting the unemployed CoLSoN in Namibia. The Researcher situated the study in a post-positivist paradigm. Positioned in the Human Capital Theory, the study utilised the employability theory to examine the employability of the unemployed CoLSoN. The study employed the conceptual framework of employment prospects and vulnerability to unemployment to investigate the domains responsible for the low employment prospects and vulnerability to unemployment of the unemployed CoLSoN. Drawing on the theory of search and match, the study examined the typology of the supply-side effort of Government to establish the controlling of the ensuing disequilibrium of the demand-supply side efforts. The study employed a concurrent mixed method design comprising quantitative and qualitative schemes of inquiry, and drew a sample size of 605 unemployed CoLSoN through the simple random probability sampling procedure to respond to a 76-item survey instrument. Additionally, the study drew a purposive sub sample of 50 CoLSoN and two organisations to amplify the experiences of the unemployed CoLSoN and inform of the policy options directed to their plight through semi-structured interviews. The study analysed the quantitative data utilising the ANOVA, Multiple regression techniques, Spearman correlation and t-test of the SPSS software. Qualitative data analysis occurred through the application of thematic categorisation. The study found that fierce labour market demands and administrative malice delay the transition into the labour market of the unemployed CoLSoN. The interviews revealed intergenerational poverty transmission a distant, but potent dynamic of degenerating individual qualities among the unemployed CoLSoN for employability. The ANOVA sustained the postulation that low employability traits are not equally prevalent in all the age groups of the unemployed CoLSoN. Estimates indicate that a mere investment in the education of the unemployed CoLSoN would improve their generic employability by about 11%. The study recommends the exercise of employability as an Active Labour Market Policy to balance the demand-supply-side inconsistencies of the labour market that exclude the disadvantaged from participating therein. The study further recommends the reinforcement of institutional audit procedures to control the inaptness of intentional administrative barriers to the labour market participation of the CoLSoN. The study also recommends the granting of fiscal incentives to the private sector for a speedy absorption of the CoLSoN into the labour market. That way, the low employment prospects among the unemployed CoLSoN would contract. Their employability for labour market participation would augment, invigorating them to take charge of their lives and curb poverty transmission to the next generations.

Magister Commercii - MCom / The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 marked the first step towards the partition of Africa. After this date, Europeans began to colonize the continent. Colonialism was an economic enterprise which was meant to boost the economy of the colonizers. Both South Africa and Southern Rhodesia (today known as Zimbabwe) were colonised by the British. This study examines the legacy of colonialism in these two countries. It looks at the impact of colonialism on how liberation movements such as the African National Congress (ANC) and the Zimbabwean African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) have led their respective countries since independence. The specific purpose of this comparative study is to examine the causal factors that have contributed to the failures of African liberation movements in terms leadership and governance since independence.

A conquista da independência em Moçambique se deu através da luta armada. Iniciada em 1964, foi capitaneada pela Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), um movimento de 1962 que contou com uma organização feminina, a Liga Feminina de Moçambique (LIFEMO) e, posteriormente, com um Destacamento Feminino (DF) de caráter guerrilheiro. A entrada das mulheres no combate impôs a formulação de políticas específicas sobre emancipação e direitos que, em 1973, passaram a ser centralizadas pela Organização da Mulher Moçambicana. É também neste período que se construiu a figura heróica de Josina Muthemba Machel cuja data de morte, em 7 de abril de 1971, passou a marcar o calendário oficial como o dia da mulher moçambicana. Esta pesquisa propõe identificar e compreender o processo de construção dessa personagem como símbolo do movimento de mulheres, tendo como foco sua trajetória no âmbito de sua atuação com a de outras combatentes e com a FRELIMO. Tem como balizas cronológicas os anos de 1962, de fundação do movimento e de gestação da luta armada que resultou na conquista da independência em 1975, até a década de 1980 quanto teve lugar a Conferência Extraordinária da Organização de Mulheres Moçambicanas e o V Congresso da FRELIMO, quase duas décadas após a morte de Josina. Para tanto, além da pesquisa bibliográfica sobre gênero na África com especial ênfase em Moçambique, foram considerados os dados biográficos de Josina Machel, obras relativas à participação das mulheres na luta de libertação, periódicos da imprensa de Moçambique (Brado Africano, Revista Tempo e a Voz da Revolução) e os documentos da OMM e da FRELIMO (1962 a 1983). / The conquest of the independence in Mozambique took place through an armed struggle. Initiated in 1964, it was led by the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO), founded in 1962. The movement had an organization of women, the Women\'s League of Mozambique (LIFEMO) and, later on, a Female Detachment (DF) of guerrilla characteristics. The entry of women imposed a call for emancipation and rights that, in 1973, came to be centralized by the Mozambican Women\'s Organization. At this moment, the heroic figure of Josina Muthemba Machel was created, whose deaths date, on April 7, 1971, became an official landmark for the day of the Mozambican woman. This dissertation focuses in identify and comprehend the construction process of Josina Machel as a heroic symbol of the women\'s movement, concentring on her trajectory in her scope of action with other combatants and also with FRELIMO. The chronological frame considers the years of 1962, when the movement was officially established as well the armed struggle that leads to the independence in 1975, until the 1980s, when the Especial Conference of the Organization of Mozambican Women occurred during the FRELIMO\'s government - almost twenty years after Josina´s death. Besides the bibliographical research on gender in Africa with a special emphasis on Mozambique, the dissertation deals with biographical data of Josina Machel, with the research on women\'s participation in the struggle for independence, also with the press periodicals O Brado Africano, Revista Tempo and A Voz da Revolução and, finally, with the documents of OMM and FRELIMO (1962 to 1983).

O presente estudo tem como eixo central as conexões entre a produção de esculturas em madeira, conhecidas como mashinamu ou arte makonde, e a história de Moçambique, pelo viés da atuação política e artística da população makonde deste país, entre 1950 e 1974. O recorte temporal abrange duas fases com marcas significativas nas dinâmicas sociais do referido grupo. A primeira de 1950 a 1959, pela valorização da arte makonde no mercado internacional da arte africana, pelo aumento do fluxo migratório para o Tanganyika, e pela formação de organizações de ajuda mútua e políticas lá instaladas. A segunda, de 1959 a 1974, pelos novos significados da arte makonde na luta pela independência de Moçambique e pelo projeto de consolidação de uma nacionalidade moçambicana. No intuito de compreender a referida produção artística em diálogo com a história política de Moçambique, o estudo elucidou, dentre outros aspectos, os sentidos dessa produção em diferentes contextos políticos e sociais e o papel da população makonde no processo de independência de Moçambique. A pesquisa se debruçou sobre fontes escritas constituídas por publicações e documentos do período colonial e sobre fontes orais, formadas, especialmente, por entrevistas realizadas com escultores atuantes nas esferas política e artística no período colonial. / This thesis focuses on the connections between the production of wooden sculptures, known as mashinamu or makonde art, and Mozambiques history under the point of view of the makonde population and its political and artistic participation in the country, from 1950 until 1974. This period comprehends two essential moments for the groups social dynamics: the first, between 1950 and 1959, is characterized by the appreciation of makonde art in international African art markets, the growth of the migration flow towards the Tanganyika and the formation of mutual assistance organizations and policies that had been created there. The second moment, between 1959 and 1974, consists in the new significance makonde art undertakes in Mozambiques independence struggle and the project for the consolidation of a Mozambican nationality. With the intent of understanding the artistic production in relation to Mozambiques political history, this thesis elicited, among other aspects, the meanings of this production under different political and social contexts and the role of the makonde population in the countrys independence process. The research has looked into written registers consisting in documents and publications from the colonial period as well as into oral accounts, formed especially by interviews with sculptors who participated in the artistic and political spheres from the colonial period.

O presente estudo tem como eixo central as conexões entre a produção de esculturas em madeira, conhecidas como mashinamu ou arte makonde, e a história de Moçambique, pelo viés da atuação política e artística da população makonde deste país, entre 1950 e 1974. O recorte temporal abrange duas fases com marcas significativas nas dinâmicas sociais do referido grupo. A primeira de 1950 a 1959, pela valorização da arte makonde no mercado internacional da arte africana, pelo aumento do fluxo migratório para o Tanganyika, e pela formação de organizações de ajuda mútua e políticas lá instaladas. A segunda, de 1959 a 1974, pelos novos significados da arte makonde na luta pela independência de Moçambique e pelo projeto de consolidação de uma nacionalidade moçambicana. No intuito de compreender a referida produção artística em diálogo com a história política de Moçambique, o estudo elucidou, dentre outros aspectos, os sentidos dessa produção em diferentes contextos políticos e sociais e o papel da população makonde no processo de independência de Moçambique. A pesquisa se debruçou sobre fontes escritas constituídas por publicações e documentos do período colonial e sobre fontes orais, formadas, especialmente, por entrevistas realizadas com escultores atuantes nas esferas política e artística no período colonial. / This thesis focuses on the connections between the production of wooden sculptures, known as mashinamu or makonde art, and Mozambiques history under the point of view of the makonde population and its political and artistic participation in the country, from 1950 until 1974. This period comprehends two essential moments for the groups social dynamics: the first, between 1950 and 1959, is characterized by the appreciation of makonde art in international African art markets, the growth of the migration flow towards the Tanganyika and the formation of mutual assistance organizations and policies that had been created there. The second moment, between 1959 and 1974, consists in the new significance makonde art undertakes in Mozambiques independence struggle and the project for the consolidation of a Mozambican nationality. With the intent of understanding the artistic production in relation to Mozambiques political history, this thesis elicited, among other aspects, the meanings of this production under different political and social contexts and the role of the makonde population in the countrys independence process. The research has looked into written registers consisting in documents and publications from the colonial period as well as into oral accounts, formed especially by interviews with sculptors who participated in the artistic and political spheres from the colonial period.

This thesis analyses how South African former immigrants and refugees in Botswana have established transnational connections between their country of origin and their country of migration since 1957. The thesis develops across two main and overlapping strands: transnationalism and citizenship. Considering transnationalism, it argues that the migrants that have crossed the border from South Africa to Botswana (economic immigrants, refugees and freedom fighters) have established multi-layered transnational connections that stretch from their personal identity to the economic and political fields. These connections are contextualised within the broader labour migration movement in southern Africa and the anti-apartheid struggle. Furthermore, these links have allowed migrants to create a sense of community in solidarity with the struggle against white minority rule and to create spaces to set their survival strategies in order for them to decide, among a range of opportunities, what was most convenient to them. In this way, Botswana’s role as a transit corridor for refugees assumed different social meanings: a route to the northern territories of the continent, a temporary solution, a permanent settlement, a passage to return to South Africa for trained saboteurs. Considering citizenship, the thesis shows that South African migrants have conceptualised citizenship taking into account their transnational links but also Botswana’s processes of nation-building and citizenship construction. Migrants’ understanding of citizenship not always reflects Botswana’s official discourse. Because of this, migrants’ process of integration intertwined with their ways to cope with perceptions of discrimination and exclusion that have emerged in Botswana as a result of the nation-building process that privileges the eight Tswana tribes over minorities and naturalised citizens. This thesis is based on original research which drew on a number of methods including archival research and oral histories. It is also interdisciplinary in focus, drawing mostly on literature from sociology, history and migration studies, but also anthropology, geography and international relations. It thus contributes to debates on transnationalism, on citizenship in Botswana and on the country’s role in the South African liberation struggle.

The Syrian civil war has been one of the most complex armed confrontations in modern era. In thiscontext, the military participation of Kurdish female fighters of the YPJ Units has received globalmedia coverage. This thesis explores the gendered dimension of media representations of YPJfighters and the representation of the construction of their military identity. Firstly, it asks howBritish media represent their appearance and background, their ability to fight and their motivation.Moreover, it explores how pro-Kurdish media and on-line platforms represent the construction oftheir military identity and the way the YPJ is formed into a group. The data comes from 23 Britishand 8 pro-Kurdish media articles and is analysed with discourse analysis. The thesis finds thatBritish media representations echo the hegemonic discourse about women’s role as victims duringwar, while only the more liberal media represent motivations connected with a struggle againstpatriarchy, capitalism and the nation-state. Moreover, it finds that pro-Kurdish media represent YPJfighters as breaking stereotypical notions of femininity through a repetition of performativemilitary acts and about precarity being the condition of the group’s coherence. It also finds that thearticles function as interpellation to new fighters.