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No / International peace- and state-building interventions have become ubiquitous in international politics since the 1990s, aiming to tackle the security problems stemming from the instability afflicting many developing states. Their frequent failures have prompted a shift towards analysing how the interaction between interveners and recipients shapes outcomes. This book critically assesses the rapidly growing literature in international relations and development studies on international intervention and local politics. It advances an innovative approach, placing the politics of scale at the core of the conflicts and compromises shaping the outcomes of international intervention. Different scales - local, national, international - privilege different interests, unevenly allocating power, resources and political opportunity structures. Interveners and recipients thus pursue scalar strategies and socio-political alliances that reinforce their power and marginalise rivals. This approach is harnessed towards examining three prominent case studies of international intervention - Aceh, Cambodia and Solomon Islands - with a focus on public administration reform.

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This dissertation seeks to identify why some local governments succeed at incorporating minority populations while others fail. I do this by looking at three distinct areas of political life: elections, policy implementation, and legislative responsiveness. In the first paper I investigate when and how party information affects minority electability. With nonpartisan ballots are used in more than three-quarters of local elections, studies tend to overlook the importance of party in election outcomes. However, after coding newspaper articles about mayoral elections across the U.S., I show that party information is often a central feature of partisan and nonpartisan contests alike. The importance of this finding should not be understated as the data reveals that an increase in voter access to party information substantially weakens the effect of an African American candidate’s race on their electability. The second paper uses the case of Secure Communities to argue that partisanship is not sufficient for explaining variation in local approaches to immigration policy. Using a novel dataset that combines county-level deportation rates, policing budgets, and data on contracts between local prison facilities, private corporations, and federal agencies, I find that local compliance is explained by resource capacity first and political orientations second. Given the opposing positions of Republicans and Democrats on immigration enforcement programs, this result demonstrates that even when dealing with a particularly partisan issue there are other forces that can moderate the extent to which partisan influence matters. The final paper tests whether legislators are responsive to minority-based interests using the case of E-Verify – an employment verification system that nearly half of all state legislatures have implemented. Assessing both state-level variation in E-Verify adoption and the roll call behavior of individual legislators, I show that legislative bodies and their members are responsive to sub-constituencies with the strongest preferences on E-Verify: agribusiness and the foreign-born community. However, responsiveness only occurs if that group is a constituency that the legislator would normally cater to. In other words, Republicans are willing to break with their party position and vote against E-Verify, but only if they represent districts with large agribusiness interests. Likewise, Democrats are responsive to their foreign-born constituents, but not farm owners. The implication of this is that the interests of minorities in Republican districts may suffer when they are not aligned with aggregate opinion or another sub-constituency that holds substantial influence over Republican lawmakers.

This thesis focuses on the candidate selection method of the ruling party of Tanzania, Chama Cha Mapinduzi. The method was changed in 2008. Through interviews made with local politicians, state officials and voters in Babati an understanding of why and in what way the change was made is presented. The thesis also presents an understanding of in what way different stakeholders perceive this change. The changed candidate selection method is examined as part of Tanzania’s democratic consolidation. At the end of the thesis a discussion about obstacles and opportunities for a further democratic consolidation is presented.The thesis describes how the transformation of the candidate selection method is, by the party itself, presented as a way of widen democracy and fight corruption. While many of the informants believe that the transformation, at least to some extent, have contributed to increased democracy, most of them believe that the actual difference from the previous method is small, since the crucial decisions still are taken by the party elite. The informants' responses are describing a multi-party system with several major obstacles. They are also, however, describing how the situation slowly is changing for the better.

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The main purpose of this study is to understand the historicity of the dynamics of socio-economic changes and the characteristics of social and political mobilization in the case of progressive activists' ongoing search for new strategies of progressive urban community politics in Seoul, South Korea, after the historical conjuncture of democratization and neo-liberal globalization. This study is conducted through participant observation, interviews, and post-fieldwork historical research. By adopting the concept of "multiple-layeredness" as the underlying perspective, this study aims to capture the complexity and hybridity of past and recent socio-economic transformations. The progressive community activists are products of historically specific circumstances of state repression and radical social movements in the 1980s and the 1990s, and the influences of their past activist experiences are visible in their community activism. Historically, the state has been implicated in popular mobilizations for the national goals of economic development and democratization, which resulted in two-party domination in local politics. Under this unfavorable political condition, the community activists seek to acquire their places in public institutions through local elections and to organize grassroots resistance against local "growth machines" by mobilizing various social ties.

What determines governance quality in authoritarian settings? The existing literature on governance concentrates on democratic governance and provides no ready answer. By focusing on the world’s largest authoritarian country, China, this study delineates an authoritarian model of governance quality. In the model, I argue that in order for good governance to occur, an authoritarian government must have both the ability and the desire to govern well, and the current authoritarian government in China has both. Specifically, its ability to govern well comes from 1) its sovereignty within the territory, 2) its fiscal resources, and 3) its party-state structure blended with decentralization, term and age limits, and performance-based promotion. Its desire to govern well comes from 1) the regime’s need for political legitimacy; 2) good governance as an important source of political legitimacy; 3) the decay of alternative sources of legitimacy; 4) the double uncertainty of authoritarian politics that compels leaders to highly active in delivering good governance. I formulate key hypotheses and test them with a variety of original datasets. The Chinese County Governance Data are collected from county government websites. The data on county-level public opinion are constructed through Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) based on the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey and the 2000 national census data. County leader characteristics are collected from Database of Local Officials. The empirical analysis general supports the model. My study reveals an authoritarian logic of governance which centers on the party state’s top-down control and the regime’s insecurity about political legitimacy. My study also demonstrates that China’s model of governance is not shared by most authoritarian countries today.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第22556号 / 地博第259号 / 新制||地||98(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 玉田 芳史, 教授 岡本 正明, 准教授 中西 嘉宏 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

The diploma thesis Sport as Local Cleavages: Case Study of Vysočina Region analyses whether sport and sport related topics (sport financing and other support, organization of sports events, operation and building of sport facilities, association activities, etc.) are able to divide a society, or whether it can be one of the cleavages at the local level in the Vysočina Region and what intensity this cleavage could have in the examined municipalities. The theoretical part contains the concept of conflict lines of S. Rokkan and S. M. Lipset. The research put emphasis on the local level of politics, the Czech environment and the cleavage connected with a sport. Authors such as S.Balík, V. Bubeníček, J. Čmejrek, J. Čopík, V. Hloušek and M. Kubálek are dealing with these issues. The analytical part of the thesis is a case study that examines the presence of cleavage, its intensity and the approach of actors through both semi-structured interviews with representatives of selected municipalities, records of municipalities and as well through media news monitoring. Based on research it is obvious that sport could evoke and develop conflicts and, in some cases, can indeed significantly divide a society and establish a new local policy player.