This thesis studies the authoritarian dominant party system in Uganda during the 2016 general election. It focuses on how subnational competition within the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) prolongs the tenure of its leader, 30-year incumbent President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. In three districts where the NRM has been historically strong - Kyenjojo, Kayunga, and Bugiri - the thesis traces three processes to this end: the decentralisation and localisation of accountability politics away from the regime and toward expendable local politicians (H₁); the relationship between local elite rivalry and the NRM's collective mobilisation for Museveni's simultaneous re-election (H₂); and how competitive electoral pressures on NRM MPs alter the national elite bargain in the president's favour (H₃). It concludes that in strong NRM areas, the fractious divisions that characterise intra-party competition are not a by-product of its near monopolistic domination of politics, but the very basis of that dominance. This emphasis on subnational intra-party competition brings a new variable into a literature on non-democratic survival that tends to focus on more narrowly coercive and clientelist regime strategies. The thesis presents this argument in a qualitative single case study driven by an open and inductive fieldwork component throughout the 2016 election period. Its three hypotheses are built on data from interviews (with voters and elites), ethnographic observations, official data, and secondary sources. This data is used in a process-tracing design before its conclusions are fortified by a subnational comparative analysis of the election results in the three case districts.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-10-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:23:42Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 alcantara_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 2609481 bytes, checksum: dcd797ffa53022a54bbd831deccf17a7 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá. / An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.

This thesis is the start of a novel that explores the psychological complexities of maneuvering local politics, tense family dynamics, and romantic love through the lens of a man who proves to be unapologetically selfish, cunning, and surprisingly relatable. Set in the desert of Albuquerque, New Mexico, this piece forces the reader to engage with characters who are propelled by their own biases, experiences, and goals instead of a moral compass. The campaign trail raises questions of loyalty, prejudice, empathy, and determination in a city where nearly everyone is intertwined. Below is the official synopsis: James Rochford is technically the underdog in the 2012 New Mexico State Senate Election. He is the youngest to run for senate, has no prior experience in office, and has comparatively fewer resources in terms of money and name recognition. But James' charisma and cunning seem to give him an edge that no one else has. As the race heats up, James is caught up in a whirlwind romance and subsequent breakup which complicate his public image. Whispers of corruption and impending scandal jeopardize his chances. As James' family, romance, and election unravel, his sanity seems to depart with it, in a desperate attempt to win it all and maintain the grandiose life he clings to.

The main objective of this thesis is to analyze political involvement of national political parties in local politics in Czechia or, more specifically, how successful are these parties in the municipal elections. The main theoretical background of this thesis is divided into two chapters. The first part contains of general definitions of political parties, functions and objectives of political parties, typology of political parties, and development of the party system in Czechia as well as basic characteristics of the different national political parties. The second chapter deals with studies of voting behavior in Czechia, the municipalities themselves and their councils. The second chapter also presents municipal elections. The practical part of this thesis is summarized in one large chapter, which is further divided into smaller subsections. In the first phase the success of parties in drawing up lists of candidates for municipal elections is studied, followed by multiple regression analysis aimed at exploring of relationship between national politics and the success of the political parties at the local level. It also describes other variables which affect that relationship. The third phase of practical part consist of LISA analysis, which is used to determine the local level of spatial...

This essays purpose is to study whether the political ideologies shift depending on the political level. For this purpose two political parties in Swedish parliament have been qualitative studied in a comparative analysis through the terms of social vision, outlook on mankind and economic organization.This study took its form when the authors found a study of Karlsson och Gilljam (2014), whom did a comparative quantitative study of the parties in parliament, asking the individual politicians in parliament, regions and in municipalities to take a stand on the left- and right scale by answering questions about economic organization, social vision and etc. This study gave a result that showed that the politicians of the municipalities had a more radical ideological view than their colleges in parliament. The hypothesis of this study started in the discussion whether politics in smaller scales, local governments and municipalities results in a shifting in ideology from the national manifest, due to the demands of cooperation with political parties with the opposite ideology in coalitions which is most common in Swedish municipalities in modern politics. This study hopes to add to the results from previous studies by comparing the written politics of the parties.This following study is analyzing the political party manifest from both local government and the national party programme/manifest from two political ideologies perspective, liberalism and socialism in a qualitive method. The two parties chosen for this study are both parties of parliament in Sweden since the election year of 2014 and can be found on different sides of the left- and right scale of political ideologies.The results of this essay show that there was no obvious ideological shift between the national and the local government level, though influences of the ideologies were found in both national and local level. This cannot give the conclusion that the ideological shift does not exist, but it may not show in this study. The ideological shift may occur in the daily politics but not in the political ideas written in the manifest.

<p><a>This study sought to identify obstacles and challenges that impact political participation and involvement among Latino voters. At the same time, it explored how the Latino Democrats of Allen County (LDAC), a constituency caucus in a primarily conservative area, could address such barriers to engage Latinos from the area politically (specifically in support of the Democratic party). Social Identity Theory provided a backdrop from which to examine the challenges and obstacles that Latinos face to participating in local government. By exploring these questions from the perspective of Social Identity Theory, I examined how a demographic in a primarily conservative area grapples with their political participation. Findings suggest that Latinos struggle with their participation due to lack of awareness about opportunity, low political efficacy, lack of trust in the political process and those that facilitate it, and lack of education about how the political process works. Literature on communication strategies and techniques used by organizations and groups with similar structures and goals provided a roadmap for constructing a functional and meaningful strategic communication plan for LDAC based on the findings from this study.</a></p>

This thesis describes the parties, which stand for the local elections under another name, then is an actual name of the political party. However, there is not definition yet, in the Czech Republic this topic is not even included in a literature. Those parties, which can be called as hidden parties, do not appear only in the Czech Republic, but they can be found in other countries as well. This thesis describes the problematic of the hidden parties also in England, Belgium, Estonia, Croatia, and Poland. The main part of this thesis is devoted to the hidden parties in the Czech local elections. Beside the definition of what parties can be considered as hidden parties, this thesis includes comparison with other forms of candidacy and the development of frequency of these parties in individual years. There are also compared two forms of candidacy, which under certain circumstances can be considered as hidden parties. The biggest part of this thesis is devoted to the success of these parties and to which parties most often hide their names. Several specific hidden parties are then further analyzed to determine the historical development of parties in a particular city and the degree of connection of candidates and the political party.

This diploma thesis presents Hnutí ANO 2011 as a Czech local governance participant. Having put emphasis on ANO's local organizations, the diploma thesis deals with particular situations in selected statutory cities during the 2014-2018 electoral cycle. As the electoral cycle went by, internal problems in local organizations emerged which ended up with party board abolishing some of the organizations. Coalitions in which ANO participated also were affected by those problems. In some cities, however, coalitions persisted and ANO local organizations had not suffer with internal problems, study of which also became a part of the research in the thesis. Having a strong leader from the business environment and limited membership, ANO 2011 is considered to be a business-firm party focused on marketing strategies and external specialists. As a typical business-firm party instance Forza Italia can be named, established in 1990s by Italian businessman and future prime minister Silvio Berlusconi. Business-firm party character of ANO may affect local governance where ANO's local organizations follow ANO party board's instructions and those organizations lack of autonomy to make their own political decisions.

This diploma thesis aims to provide insight into the municipal system in small municipalities. The work consists of two parts, a literature search and a research analytical part. The subject of the research is a discussion of Czech and later also German authors who deal with communal politics. The subject of this work is the role of associations as political actors in small municipalities with less than 300 inhabitants. The results of the research demonstrate the identical and different features of the Czech and German debate regarding small municipalities and the involvement of associations in political life. As a result, several variables were identified that are repeated for the authors. The sample is 10 municipalities from the Brandýs nad Orlicí micro-region, which are compared with each other in several areas. Municipalities are very similar, especially in terms of population, and thus the sample is relevant for mutual comparison between municipalities. The subject of the research is the identification of federal candidates and representatives, the support of associations from the municipality and the motivation of federal candidates for candidacy. The key source is interviews with council members and federal candidates, which are processed in the form of graphs and tables. In conclusion,...

Democracy in Sweden is facing a plethora of serious challenges. The ability of political parties to engage and activate non-political citizens have been greatly reduced over the last 50 years, meanwhile the risk of increased polarization the coming years is prominent and alarming. This essay attempts to combine modern representative democracy with the ideal of deliberative democracy. The aim is to investigate if deliberation can contribute to the solution of these problems. This is accomplished through a study inspired by James Fishkin’s Deliberative Poll. Local politicians in Sweden have been invited to answer a questionnaire after which they participate in deliberation before answering a second questionnaire. The difference in results between the two questionnaires are then compared to show the effect of deliberation. There is a clear visual difference between the politician’s answers in the two questionnaires. Nevertheless, this difference is only statistically proven in one out of the 22 tests that were run. Therefore, this study cannot draw any conclusions regarding the true effect of deliberation. Nevertheless, deliberation among local politicians in Sweden seems to be successful based on a visual comparison of the results from the two questionnaires and further study is deemed desirable.