The purpose of this study is to investigate the driving factors of population exposure to sources of environmental pollution and to determine if poor neighborhoods are disproportionately exposed to negative environmental externalities. This research also examines whether the concentration of polluting industries within neighborhoods of different socio-economic levels varies over time. To determine the causes of the spatial coincidence between population and industrial polluters, this study employs a mixed-methods approach. Quantitatively, this study uses an exploratory approach to capture the effects of poverty and segregation on the density of hazardous industries. This methodological approach models the spatial variation of the relationship between poverty and pollution. Qualitatively, a cross-case comparative analysis is conducted on two different socio-economic neighborhoods to trace the causes of continuity or change in industrial density. The study finds that polluting industries tend to be distributed homogenously across neighborhoods of different socio-economic backgrounds and that poverty and segregation are not mayor drivers of that distribution. On the contrary, the relationship between poor and segregated and industries presents spatial variation and it is localized in some specific areas. The case-studies comparison, moreover, indicates that the spatial concentration of hazardous industries varies over time, decreasing slightly in a middle-class neighborhood and increasing in a poor neighborhood. This is explained by: i) economic constraints and opportunities to the local economy determine the permanence of polluting activities; ii) middle-class collective actions to live in a better environment contribute to expel polluting activities from the neighborhood in the long run; and iii), local political practices and the lack of alternatives and resources to access the formal land market means that the poor face tremendous environmental burdens which traps them in a noxious environment. Several policy implications arise from this research; first, access to information, transparency, and environmental law enforcement must be strengthened in order to underpin equity and common standards across the city. Second, local governments should weigh and balance the need for housing and development, and the environmental consequences when establishing zoning ordinances. Third, policies and resources should be targeted towards residents, especially those poorer residents that are most at risk. / text

In this thesis I explore neoliberalism and resistance to neoliberalism by focusing on the relatively recent rise of radical, local anti-poverty organizations in Canada, particularly on the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) in Toronto. To accomplish this exploration, I present a brief history of neoliberalization in two ways: first in theory, exploring the phenomenon in general, and then in a more specific context, through the study of neoliberalization in Ontario. Special emphasis is given to the ways in which contemporary processes of neoliberalization tend to discourage collective action and movement formation, and encourage the ideological, discursive, and practical depoliticization of issues and communities. In addition, I suggest that Ontario’s neoliberalization has led mainstream left forces to retreat to a more moderate support base in the middle class, leaving poor people and anti-poverty activists with little potential for meaningful participation in political processes. The lack of avenues for participation, I argue, discourages the development the development of a sense of agency for poor people and anti-poverty activists. This agency is framed here as political dignity. After presenting a history OCAP, I conclude by suggesting that radical, local anti-poverty organizations make an important contribution to combating some of the outcomes of neoliberalization presented here. By using a broad range of scholarship (including working-class focused sociology, post-colonial theory, and others), I argue that OCAP’s key contribution to antineoliberal struggles is the way in which the organization encourages political dignity building through engaged, confrontational participation.

Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag. / The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

Submitted by Bruna Rodrigues (bruna92rodrigues@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-09-19T12:02:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJSA.pdf: 1633005 bytes, checksum: e2b56d658f868572968e9b609684492d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-20T13:25:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJSA.pdf: 1633005 bytes, checksum: e2b56d658f868572968e9b609684492d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-20T13:26:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJSA.pdf: 1633005 bytes, checksum: e2b56d658f868572968e9b609684492d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T13:27:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJSA.pdf: 1633005 bytes, checksum: e2b56d658f868572968e9b609684492d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This work has as its theme the Politics of Science and Technology focusing on the city of São Carlos in the State of São Paulo. From a theoretical development of Science and Technology Policy in general in Brazil and locally analyze the case of San Carlos taking as its starting point the perspective of the Science and Technology for Social Development. Highlighting various information of socioeconomic and scientific-technical policy of the municipality, two objects of research, the Technology Park of San Carlos (ParqTec) and the Municipal Sustainable Development, Science and Technology, representing the Municipality, were studied in search up which elements contribute or not to social development. From this study we show that San Carlos is the technological center model because of the multiplicity of actions and institutions with innovative potential, but needs to consolidate to fulfill this role as a development model locally, and a C & T for social development. / Esta dissertação tem como tema a Política Local de Ciência e Tecnologia com enfoque para a cidade de São Carlos localizada no Estado de São Paulo. A partir de um desenvolvimento teórico sobre Política de Ciência e Tecnologia, no geral, no Brasil e localmente analiso o caso de São Carlos tendo como ponto de partida a perspectiva da Política de Ciência e Tecnologia para o Desenvolvimento Social. Destacando informações diversas de ordem socioeconômica e técnico-científica do respectivo município, dois objetos de pesquisa, o Parque Tecnológico de São Carlos (ParqTec) e a Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Ciência e Tecnologia, representando a Prefeitura Municipal, foram estudados em busca de levantar quais elementos contribuem ou não para o desenvolvimento social. A partir desse estudo podemos evidenciar que São Carlos é modelo de polo tecnológico devido à multiplicidade de ações e instituições com potencial inovativo, mas precisa se consolidar em cumprir esse papel como modelo de desenvolvimento localmente, e com uma C&T para o desenvolvimento social

Submitted by Izabel Franco (izabel-franco@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-26T19:07:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-27T19:40:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-27T19:40:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-27T19:40:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-02 / Não recebi financiamento / This research aims to examine the organization and functioning of representative politics in São Carlos between the years 2001-2008, including the way that political representation is exercised at the local level. We seek to identify and analyze the profile of local political elites, the strategies adopted by councilors in the performance of representation as well as the relationship established with the executive. To this end, we look back on the local scene from the resumption of the political divide, the rules of the legislative process, in addition to the agenda approved by the mayor and the City Council. The study seeks to demonstrate that the choice made by political actors would be related, as far as possible, to the unique dynamics of county policy. Although individuals are the basic unit of analysis, they operate according to the parameters set by the institutional environment in which they operate. Are the preferences of the actors as well as its position in the political game that make these opt for a strategy or other possibilities in the field of institutional rules. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a organização e o funcionamento da política representativa no município de São Carlos entre os anos de 2001 a 2008, compreendendo o modo que a representação política é exercida em nível local. Buscamos identificar e analisar o perfil das elites políticas locais, as estratégias adotadas pelos vereadores no exercício da representação, bem como a relação estabelecida com o poder Executivo. Para tanto, nos debruçamos sobre o cenário local a partir da retomada da disputa política, das regras do processo legislativo, além da agenda aprovada pelo prefeito e pela Câmara Municipal. O estudo busca demonstrar que a escolha feita pelos atores políticos estaria relacionada, na medida do possível, às singularidades da dinâmica política do município. Embora os indivíduos sejam a unidade básica de análise, estes operam de acordo com os parâmetros estabelecidos pelo ambiente institucional em que atuam. São as preferências dos atores, bem como o seu posicionamento no jogo político que fazem com que estes optem por uma estratégia ou outra no campo das possibilidades das regras institucionais.

Master thesis deals with the transparency in decision-making process and with the openness to citizens in local politics. It focuses on the policy of municipal councils, with the emphasis on Municipal district Prague 10 during the election period 2010 -- 2014. Main objective is the analysis, description and evaluation of the transparency of decisions-making process in Prague 10. The theoretical part of the thesis is dealing with definitions of terms: municipalities, Prague, the capital, its districts and decision-making process. The stress is given to the question of the level of transparency and on the openness of town halls to their citizens. In the practical part, the thesis analyzes the concrete decision-making processes in Prague 10 related to an analysis of the Council's statement about the anti-corruption strategy. In the end, it analyzes the decisions-making process about the procurements in Municipal district Prague 10 namely to the analysis of procurements "Revitalization of Malešice Park".

Women and local power: processes of mobilization and female political pathways in Turkey Type: Doctoral dissertation Author: Lucie Drechselová Institutions: Charles University and EHESS, Paris Year: 2018 Abstract This thesis focuses on the issue of women's under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics - party presence in municipalities - is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra- party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the "local" and the "national"....

Cette thèse étudie la question de la sous-représentation des femmes dans la politique locale dans la Turquie contemporaine. Le niveau intermédiaire du politique – l’implantation locale des partis à l’échelle des municipalités – est abordé à travers une double approche : une différenciation parmi les principaux partis politiques (AKP, CHP, MHP, et les partis pro-kurdes – HDP et DBP) et une autre parmi trois configurations locales (Izmir, Trabzon et Diyarbakır). Les travaux de la littérature sociologique anglo-américaine sont mis en dialogue avec la sociologie politique française du militantisme, du personnel politique et des institutions. La perspective genrée est adoptée à travers l’ensemble de la thèse. Les recherches de terrain se sont déroulées en 2014, 2015 et 2016 à Izmir, à Trabzon et à Diyarbakır et ont pris la forme d’observations non-participantes et d’entretiens semi-directifs avec quelques deux cent élues municipales et femmes responsables de partis politiques. Conceptuellement, l’approche relative aux partis en tant qu’entités hétérogènes permet de relever les échanges qui se déroulent à travers la hiérarchie partisane. La place et le rôle des femmes dans le processus de sélection des candidats permettent de remettre en question la séparation artificielle entre le « local » et le « national ». Il devient apparent que les profils et carrières des femmes politiques sont intrinsèquement liés aux modalités de leur accès au mandat électif, qui à leur tour façonnent les manières par lesquelles les élues se saisissent de leur rôle. Les ethos partisans différenciés contribuent également à privilégier certaines stratégies d’action individuelle et collective sur d’autres. La recherche conclut que pour expliquer le niveau et les modalités de représentation féminine locale, le critère « partisan » prime sur les configurations locales, même si les deux perspectives sont in fine indissociables. / This thesis focuses on the issue of women’s under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics – party presence in municipalities – is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra-party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the “local” and the “national”. Throughout the demonstration, it becomes clear that women’s profiles and political carriers are intrinsically linked to modalities of their access to electoral mandate, which in turn determines the ways in which women embody their role as elected figures. The distinctive party ethoses contribute to privilege specific individual and collective strategies over others. The research concludes with the finding that in order to understand the levels of women’s local representation as well as its modalities, the “party” criteria has bigger explanatory value than the localconfigurations, even though these two perspectives are in fine inseparable.

The main goal of this diploma thesis is the analysis of political influences on a municipal budget in municipality Kamenický Šenov. Thanks to solving problems of municipal budgets, it is possible to analyze relationship of political decisions and municipal budget. Most of political science's dissertations focus on elections, voting systems or mayor's election, but the question of influence of political relationship on municipal budget is not in public interest. This topic is very important, but unfortunately neglected. This diploma thesis is divided into four chapters. The first three chapters theoretically embed this work. The first chapter introduces the horizontal typology of the municipal systems, public administration, fiscal federalism, incomes and expenses of municipalities and formation of the municipal budget in France and Sweden. The third chapter is dedicated to the Czech Republic and it proceeds from the structure of the first chapter. The fourth chapter of this work is arranged as the unique case study of municipality Kamenický Šenov. The municipality Kamencký Šenov has been ruled by a coalition of KSČM and ČSSD from 1998 to 2009; in 2002 a new member SNK Naše město joined this coalition. This coalition stood up for investment policy, which is represented by the construction of the...

This thesis Nonpluralistic political systems: the case of czech municipalities target problematic and occurrence of nonpluralistic political systems. Nonpluralistic political systems is little researched phenomenon and It cannot be reflected by any researche focusing mainly on this issue. Autors focusing on local politic in western systems don't deal with given problematic. My research in this work focuses on proving existence and relevance of nonpluralistic political systems on a case of czech municipalities. Research is not done on the whole Czech Republic, but only on sample of five czech districts, choosen according to municipal structure, demographic characteristic and socio-economic characteristic. Second part of my research focuses on analysis of participants of those systems, on nature of their candidacy and also on the fact, if participants of pluralistic and nonpluralistic systems are any different.