Thesis--University of Bombay. / Bibliography: p. [155]-163.

Syfte: Syftet med studien är att studera i vilken utsträckning teknikbolagen på den svenska marknaden är underprissatta och om aktiekurserna avviker mot teknikindex under de tidiga stadierna av börsintroduktionen. Metod: Deduktiv metod. Teoretiskt perspektiv: Tidigare forskning finner att teknikbranschen oftare utsätts för underprissättning än andra branscher eftersom teknikbranschen anses mer riskutsatt. Bland institutionella investerare anses teknikbolagen vara en större riskpå grund av att de har mer instabila kassaflöden och färre likvida tillgångar. Forskningen visar vidare att teknikbolagen presterade bättre på längre sikt än övriga branscher och sämre på kort sikt än övriga branscher. Empiri: Studien omfattar 100 teknikbolag och 98 bolag från de övriga branscherna inom marknaderna Large cap, Mid cap, Small cap, First North, First North Premieroch Spotlight. SX10PI används som benchmark-index i studien. Slutsats: Den studie som här har genomförts ger stöd för den uppfattning som har tidigare forskning pekar på, nämligen att teknikbolag är underprissatta. Studien visade även att teknikbranschen hade avvikande aktiekurser jämfört med andra branscher och branschindex.

The European Union is suffering from a legitimacy crisis, which thus far has culminated with Great Britain’s decision to exit the union. According to the ‘opposition deficit thesis’, this is caused as there is no arena in which effective opposition can be voiced in the European Union, which forces EU citizens to organise their opposition outside the political system, and often against it. However, as no systemic analysis has been conducted on the opposition deficit in the EU’s democratic centre, no convincing conclusions has been made. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to systemically test the opposition deficit thesis, and to add to the current lack of research on the topic. The centre for any democratic legitimacy is the political system’s elected representatives in parliament, in which any opposition deficit would strongly indicate a democratic deficit. Therefore, I ask: is the European Parliament an arena for effective opposition? To test the opposition deficit systematically and empirically, data from 20 plenary debates between the years 2005-2007 in the European Parliament were gathered. Through simple statistical analysis, we conclude that most statements are oppositional (55 percent) and that there is no oppositional deficit. While most opposition is effective and thus has real effect in the policy-making process, the definition and operationalisation provided within the opposition deficit thesis must be refuted due to theoretical inconsistencies. Furthermore, oppositional behaviour at party- and individual level was also investigated, showing that Eurosceptic party groups are more oppositional than mainstream party groups and through their opposition minimise the European Union’s democratic deficit when voiced within the system. Also, we find that there is no significant relationship between gender and political opposition, contrary to past assumptions. Therefore, it is concluded that there is no oppositional deficit in the European Parliament, and possibly no such deficit in the European Union. So, while the European Union it is suffering a legitimacy crisis which may be caused by a democracy deficit, it is not correlated to political opposition as described by the opposition deficit thesis.