Student Number: 0516477F DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL STUDIES THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS / This research report is a probe into prospects of meaningful political opposition in the parliamentary system South Africa. Political oppositions play a very constructive role in the entrenching of democracy. A free and open democratic system owes a lot to politics of opposition. The political landscape in South Africa is characterized by one dominant ruling party opposed by small and fragmented opposition. Thus there is a challenge in South Africa’s democracy due to poor opposition politics. The importance of opposition cannot be overstated, democracy thrives when there is healthy deliberation and contestation in parliament. Thus different goals, values and ideas are given the chance to be argued for or against. In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) enjoys large support that dwarfs even the official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA). There are other opposition parties inside and outside parliament. However the fact that the opposition is still relatively weak, is a call for concern. Although relatively weak, the opposition in South African politics is of vast importance. The effectiveness of the opposition can be measured in the debates in parliament and the positions that the opposition adopt to counter the ruling party. Currently there is the reality of a very loose and weak opposition. The opposition is not being effective enough to be of considerable substance in the political landscape. The fact that much of the policies the ANC adopts are in principle similar to the beliefs and ideas of the opposition renders the opposition ineffective and the electorate is left with no real alternative. The point of departure of this research report is that the opposition should assume policies that are an alternative to the ruling party so that they can attract the electorate and thus boost democracy in South Africa.

Cette thèse porte sur les dernières années du pouvoir de Moubarak, et tente de se situer en dehors des théorisations politiques dominantes qui ont eu trop souvent tendance à qualifier le régime égyptien comme étant stable. La période sélectionnée (2002 – 2010) est pertinente afin de réinterroger cette stabilité puisque cette « séquence » de l'évolution du régime de Hosni Moubarak permet de mettre l'accent sur les différentes mutations et interactions qui se produisent au sein du système politique, et qui remettent en question l'idée de stabilité, ou encore celle de la « consolidation autoritaire » (Camau, 2005). La problématique centrale de cette thèse cherche à montrer à travers une observation des dynamiques créées, par l'entrée en politique de Gamal Moubarak, en d'autres termes l'irruption d'une « situation de succession » prolongée, comment se recompose la scène oppositionnelle, comment se redéfinissent les « libéralisations » ou encore, comment se mettent en œuvre les protestations. Ainsi, cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence les facteurs dérangeant la stabilité du régime de Moubarak, en d'autres termes, à tester les limites de la « consolidation autoritaire » lorsque celle-ci concorde avec une « situation de succession ». Ce travail de recherche a été alimenté par une réflexion autour de certaines contradictions entre les observations empiriques (l'enquête de terrain) et les cadres théoriques dominants de la recherche politologique sur l'Égypte qui, grosso modo, reflétaient une stabilité du régime Moubarak. Il se situe en dehors de ces approches dans la mesure où la construction de mon objet d'étude s'est déroulée au-delà des axes sur-étudiés, et autour d'axes sous-étudiés. En d'autres termes, ce travail place le curseur loin d'une focalisation sur le régime et ses stratégies, sur la dichotomisation de la scène politique entre le Parti national démocrate (le parti dirigeant depuis la fin des années 1970) et les Frères musulmans, et s'éloigne d'une trame qui considère ces derniers comme étant les seuls acteurs politiques qui comptent. En effet, cette recherche a voulu mettre en évidence le rôle des acteurs de la politique contestataire, leur impact sur la transformation du régime, mais aussi la capacité des mouvements contestataires de produire des « générations politiques » de jeunes militants qui se positionnent en dehors du spectre de la « stabilité ». Autrement dit, en portant l'attention sur des terrains négligés, comme ceux de la protestation, ainsi que les acteurs qui y ont recours, cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les facteurs de déstabilisation, aussi limités soient-ils, qui sont apparus dans la gestion par le régime politique de certaines situations ou lors de certains événements durant la période étudiée ; facteurs de déstabilisation gênants pour la stabilité du régime, et observables autour de terrains électoraux, mais surtout protestataires. / This thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field.

本文將分別就國家與階級的角度，探討台灣自1960年代以至1990年代 期間社會形構的轉化過程，以及其所對應的兩次欲組織化的政治反對運動 －分別為自由中國組黨事件與民主進步黨的形成與發展。並藉此探所其興 起的動力以及發展的特性與侷限。 本文以為，政治反對運動的發展結 構乃是國家現代化乃至於國家發展過程的一部分，社會經濟的狀況和政治 的情勢及變遷將會形塑政治反對運動的形式及議題，相反的，反對者所呈 現出來的形式及要求也會影響社會經濟的狀況與政治發展。

Under what conditions does the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) fracture? The 1996 formation of the Wasat party by a group of former Muslim Brothers has attracted significant scholarly attention, although most studies focus on the ideological differences between the groups. By neglecting the organizational angle these studies are unable to explain why some ideological differences lead to group fracture, and why in the case of the SMB this occurred in 1996 and not before. This paper will argue that the SMB splits when high levels of state repression combine with internal organizational conflict, specifically the lack of stable, consultative internal dispute-resolution mechanisms. Empirical tests charting levels of state repression and SMB internal politics throughout the period 1981-2010, covering variation on the dependent, as well as both independent variables, strengthen the theory. / text

The European Union is suffering from a legitimacy crisis, which thus far has culminated with Great Britain’s decision to exit the union. According to the ‘opposition deficit thesis’, this is caused as there is no arena in which effective opposition can be voiced in the European Union, which forces EU citizens to organise their opposition outside the political system, and often against it. However, as no systemic analysis has been conducted on the opposition deficit in the EU’s democratic centre, no convincing conclusions has been made. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to systemically test the opposition deficit thesis, and to add to the current lack of research on the topic. The centre for any democratic legitimacy is the political system’s elected representatives in parliament, in which any opposition deficit would strongly indicate a democratic deficit. Therefore, I ask: is the European Parliament an arena for effective opposition? To test the opposition deficit systematically and empirically, data from 20 plenary debates between the years 2005-2007 in the European Parliament were gathered. Through simple statistical analysis, we conclude that most statements are oppositional (55 percent) and that there is no oppositional deficit. While most opposition is effective and thus has real effect in the policy-making process, the definition and operationalisation provided within the opposition deficit thesis must be refuted due to theoretical inconsistencies. Furthermore, oppositional behaviour at party- and individual level was also investigated, showing that Eurosceptic party groups are more oppositional than mainstream party groups and through their opposition minimise the European Union’s democratic deficit when voiced within the system. Also, we find that there is no significant relationship between gender and political opposition, contrary to past assumptions. Therefore, it is concluded that there is no oppositional deficit in the European Parliament, and possibly no such deficit in the European Union. So, while the European Union it is suffering a legitimacy crisis which may be caused by a democracy deficit, it is not correlated to political opposition as described by the opposition deficit thesis.

Master's thesis "Development of information-analytical methods of work with the political opposition to ensure the national security of the Russian Federation has 117 pp., 111 sources, including electronic resources, application 2. The purpose of this work is to identify specific methods and analytical work with the political opposition in Russia and the development of a new method. Thesis structure includes: introduction, main part, consisting of three chapters (1.1-1.2, 2.1-2.3), conclusion, bibliography, annexes a and b. The first chapter is devoted to theoretical characteristics of political opposition. Chapter carried out structural-functional analysis of the political opposition. The second chapter is devoted to the analytical work to identify features of use of information and analytical work with the political opposition to ensure the national security of the Russian Federation. The third chapter is dedicated to the research, which has developed a method of information-analytical work with the political opposition, consisting of analytical work with the tools of political language as a method. In conclusion, the work submitted to the opinion, which contains conclusions, bibliography and sources, applications. / Магистерская диссертация на тему: «Разработка методов информационно-аналитической работы с политической оппозицией по обеспечению национальной безопасности РФ» имеет 117 стр., 111 источников, включая электронные ресурсы, 2 приложения. Целью настоящей работы является выявление специфических методов информационно-аналитической работы с политической оппозицией в современной России и разработка нового метода. Структура магистерской диссертации включает: введение, основную часть, состоящую из трех глав (1.1-1.2, 2.1-2.3), заключение, библиографический список, приложения А и Б. Первая глава посвящена теоретическим характеристикам политической оппозиции. В главе проведен структурно-функциональный анализ особенностей политической оппозиции. Вторая глава посвящена аналитической работе по выявлению особенностей применения методов информационно-аналитической работы с политической оппозицией по обеспечению национальной безопасности РФ. Третья глава посвящена исследованию, в котором был разработан метод информационно-аналитической работы с политической оппозицией, заключающийся в аналитической работе со средствами политического языка, как метод. В завершении работы представлено заключение, которое содержит выводы по работе, список использованной литературы и источников, приложения.

La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East-German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina a atuação política dos jacobinos e o discurso veiculado através de seus jornais em circulação na cidade do Rio de Janeiro entre os anos de 1894 e 1897. A partir da identificação de suas idéias e propostas e da análise da construção e intensificação da oposição por parte destes militantes ao primeiro presidente civil da República, Prudente de Moraes, é nosso objetivo rever a historiografia produzida de modo a melhor qualificá-los durante a conjuntura de transição entre a presidência militar e a civil. Defendemos que o posicionamento oposicionista dos jacobinos a Prudente pode ser separado, analiticamente, em dois momentos distintos: um primeiro, durante o qual os jacobinos informaram as suas reivindicações nos licenciamentos e dissoluções graduais dos batalhões patrióticos, caracterizado pela defesa de seus interesses corporativos, e um segundo, marcado pelo temor à mudança, informado pelo ineditismo da atuação aglutinadora e atividade propagandista dos monarquistas restauradores, que entendiam contar com a condescendência de Prudente. A identificação das propostas dos jacobinos para o regime republicano, que em essência demandavam a conservação da situação militarista e beligerante deixada pelo Marechal Floriano Peixoto ao seu sucessor civil para que eles continuassem auferindo as recompensas e o reconhecimento por sua atividade como voluntários patriotas, permite-nos qualificá-los diferentemente de algumas caracterizações apresentadas sobre estes mesmos agentes em trabalhos historiográficos da década de 1980 que ainda são tomados como referência para o estudo do tema. / [en] This M.A. thesis focuses on the political demonstrations of the jacobinos and on their rhetoric in the City of Rio newspapers, from 1894 until 1897. By identifying their main ideas and proposals, and by analyzing their intense opposition against the first civilian president of the Republic, Prudente de Moraes, it is my goal to review the historiography hitherto produced in order to better characterize the jacobinos under this transition period from military to civilian order. I argue that jacobinos opposition to Prudente can be analytically divided into two different phases: an initial one, in which the jacobinos demonstrations went hand by hand with their fighting the dissolution of the patriotic battalions and of corporatist interests; and a second one, marked by their fear of change, in view of then wide propaganda and gathering of monarchists and restoration-driven individuals around Prudente. The jacobinos longed for the conservation of the militaryoriented policy and the war-like situation the civilian president inherited from his predecessor Floriano Peixoto. They wanted to keep the rewards and acknowledgements they benefited from, for joining the patriotic battalions. The identification of such jacobinos ideas and proposals for the Republican regime allow us to portrait them differently and, mainly, to question a few odd views about them which still prevail in the standard historiography from the 1980s to the present.

La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East- German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal