This thesis provides the reader with an overview of the many elements that are involved in geosynchronous satellite point-to-multipoint Internet Protocol (IP)-based multimedia communications design and also takes a deep dive into the analysis of a real-life scenario, using the TDM / MF-SCPC and TDM / MF-TDMA media access techniques. This thesis starts with a discussion of satellite network topologies utilized within point-to-multipoint satellite communications followed by an overview of the satellite communications channel. A discussion on the intelligent and proper selection of modulation and coding follows. Descriptions and characteristics of the satellite access technologies chosen to be analyzed are next followed by a detailed description of Forward Error Correction (FEC) techniques and a discussion on network-wide tradeoffs so selecting different options. The thesis then presents the results of a real-life scenario, investigating both TDM / MF-SCPC and TDM / MF-TDMA media access technique options, pointing out the tradeoffs brought to the forefront earlier in the study. The major takeaway is that there does not exist a one-size-fits-all solution that works for each and every scenario. / Master of Science

The diploma thesis called "The Framing of the Topic of National Indebtedness in MF DNES and Právo before the Election to the Chamber of Deputies 2010" deals with a concrete example of framing in Czech media praxis. The national indebtedness was one of the key topics during the pre-election campaign. The coverage of this topic is analyzed in two Czech newpapers - Mladá fronta DNES and Právo. The diploma thesis describes the frames used in the coverage and compares framing in both newpapers.

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The main theme of this thesis is the non-banking- loans- companies and its medial portrait. The thesis formulates the basic hypotheses related to social status and reputation of non-banking companies. As the research method there was chosen the quantitative content analysis. The research sample consists of the daily papers Hospodářské noviny, MF DNES and some selected economic and political magazines. The research period was divided in two parts: March - June 2010 and September - December 2010. The thesis contents two analysis: the first one contents the results of surveys of the company called Provident Financial. The second one is an analysis of advertising in the daily papers MF DNES and Hospodářské noviny. The results of the analysis of advertising didn't confirm one of the main hypotheses assuming that the non-banking -loans- companies have any impact on the content of investigated media. And vice versa, other hypotheses were confirmed by results of the quantitative content analysis. The result of the analysis is that the non-banking-loans- companies are presented as companies working within the standards of law and which are entitled to a place in the financial market.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. / This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties’ electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party’s future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this “mediation assumption” empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties’ electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties’ electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties’ issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

Das erste empirischen Kapitel analysiert die ,Parteieninteraktion’ im Wettbewerb. Parteien sind empfänglich für die Agenda ihrer Mitbewerber. Allerdings sind nicht alle Parteien in gleichem Maße empfänglich. Erfahrung in Koalitionen sollte etablierte Regierungsparteien empfänglicher für Signale der wettbewerblichen Umgebung machen, wohingegen herausfordernde Parteien ihre eigene Agenda antreiben und Veränderungen in der system-internen Salienz von Themenbereichen ignorieren. Weiterhin nehmen die Parteiführungen eine größere Notwendigkeit wahr, auf Konkurrenten zu reagieren und auf der Welle der Themen des Parteisystems mitzuschwimmen. Aktivisten sind stattdessen eher von policy-seeking-Motivationen angetrieben und bevorzugen eher, dass die Partei thematisch einen traditionellen Fokus beibehält. Das zweite empirische Kapitel behandelt die Reichweite von parteilichen Themenkatalogen. Das Argument ist dabei, dass herausfordernde Parteien den Status quo zu ändern suchen, indem sie sich auf wenige Themen fokussieren. Etablierte Parteien verteilen ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf eine Vielzahl von Themen. Weiterhin ändern etablierte Parteien die Reichweite ihrer Agenda, wenn sie mit elektoralen Verlusten konfrontiert, oder von Regierungen ausgeschlossen sind. Parteiführungen versuchen breitgefächert anzusprechen, wohingegen Aktivisten wollen, dass zur Parteibasis gesprochen wird. Der dritte empirische Teil behandelt Innovationen auf dem Markt der politischen Themen. Das Kapitel untersucht der Einfluss von Wählerunterstüzung für grüne, rechtsaußen- und euroskeptische Parteien auf thematische Agenden. Neben Unterstützung für grüne und rechtsaußen Parteien, provoziert auch der Erfolg von euroskeptischen Parteien andere Parteien dazu, ihre thematischen Berücksichtigungsstrategien anzupassen. Dieser Effekt ist konditional und hängt von der Salienz ab, die die herausfordernde Partei dem Thema zumisst. / The first empirical chapter analyses `party interaction' in issue competition. It shows that parties are responsive to the agendas of their competitors. Not all parties are equally responsive. Experience in government coalitions makes mainstream parties more `sensitive' towards their competitive environment whereas challengers push forward their own agendas and ignore systemic salience shifts. Furthermore, party leaders perceive the need for their party to respond to competitors more strongly than do activists. Activists are driven by policy-seeking motivations and would like to see the party focus on its traditional agenda. The second empirical chapter deals with the scope of parties' issue agendas. Why do parties sometimes offer a broad agenda to voters, whereas at other times they confine their policy appeals? Challenger parties seek to change the political status quo by focusing on a few issues only. Mainstream parties distribute their attention across a wide range of issues. Moreover, mainstream parties change the scope of their agenda when after electoral losses or when excluded from office. This depends on intra-party politics. Leaders seek to satisfy vote- and office-seeking motivations and `appeal broadly', activist want the party to `speak to the base'. The third empirical chapter deals with innovations in political issue-markets. It examines how parties respond to the pressure to address new issues. This chapter examines the impact of electoral support for green, far right and Eurosceptic parties on the issue agendas of other parties. In addition to green and far right support, Eurosceptic party success also provokes other parties to adjust their salience strategies. This effect is conditional: if Eurosceptic parties regard European integration issues as particularly important, other parties adapt and shift salience to this issue dimension. For green and far right parties such a conditional effect is absent.

Submitted by GEOVANE MODENA PEREIRA null (geovanemodena@hotmail.com) on 2018-02-10T03:04:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Geovane - Criptografia de Qubits de Férmions de Majorana por meio de Estados Ligados no Contínuo.pdf: 7524654 bytes, checksum: 0bd9409e8fa9c0c2da9190e44f4cfa33 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Santulo Custódio de Medeiros null (asantulo@rc.unesp.br) on 2018-02-14T16:11:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 pereira_gm_me_rcla.pdf: 7420427 bytes, checksum: 0a0aec5beec2ecdd26883e0f4524844f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-14T16:11:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 pereira_gm_me_rcla.pdf: 7420427 bytes, checksum: 0a0aec5beec2ecdd26883e0f4524844f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-01 / Nós investigamos teoricamente uma cadeia topológica de Kitaev conectada a dois pontos quânticos (QDs) hibridizados a terminais metálicos. Neste sistema, observamos o surgimento de dois fenômenos marcantes: (i) uma decriptografia do Férmion de Majorana (MF), que é detectado por meio de medições de condutância devido ao estado de vazamento assimétrico do qubit de MFs nos QDs; (ii) criptografia desse qubit em ambos os QDs quando o vazamento é simétrico. Em tal regime, temos portanto a criptografia proposta, uma vez que o qubit de MFs separa-se nos QDs como estados ligados no contínuo (BICs), os quais não são detectáveis em experimentos de condutância. / We theoretically investigate a topological Kitaev chain connected to a double quantum-dot (QD) setup hybridized with metallic leads. In this system, we observe the emergence of two striking phenomena: i) a decrypted Majorana Fermion (MF) - qubit recorded over a single QD, which is detectable by means of conductance measurements due to the asymmetrical MF-leaked state into the QDs; ii) an encrypted qubit recorded in both QDs when the leakage is symmetrical. In such a regime, we have a cryptography-like manifestation, since the MF-qubit becomes bound states in the continuum, which is not detectable in conductance experiments.

Résumé : Le cadre de compétence CanMEDS définit les rôles attendus des médecins canadiens, mais fait l’objet de certaines critiques. Par exemple, la définition et l’adoption du rôle de promoteur de la santé semblent problématiques, entre autres en ce qui a trait à une dualité implicite entre des actions de type individuel et collectif. Cette étude visait à identifier les facteurs qui influencent l’intention d’adopter des comportements associés au rôle de promoteur de la santé et à en comparer les variables prédictives selon le type d’action. Une étude transversale descriptive a été réalisée utilisant un questionnaire web élaboré selon les principes de la Théorie du comportement planifié d’Ajzen. Le questionnaire a été envoyé par courriel en 2013 à tous les résidents en médecine de famille des universités francophones du Québec. Soixante-huit résidents (7%) ont complété le questionnaire. L’importance du rôle pour les participants et la pression sociale perçue étaient particulièrement significatives dans la prédiction de l’intention d’adopter des comportements associés au rôle de promoteur de la santé (variance expliquée de 26%, p<0.001; et 48%, p<0.001; respectivement). Les résidents participants avaient également une attitude plus positive envers les actions de type individuel (moyenne =72,8% vs 58,3%, p<.05), et percevaient plus de pression à adopter celles-ci (moyenne = 82.7% vs 74.3%, p<.05). Ils ressentaient moins de contrôle quant à l’adoption d’action de type collectif (moyenne = 79.8% vs 84.6%, p<.05). Étant donné que différents types d’action sont associés au rôle de promoteur de la santé, l’intention d’adopter ce rôle peut être influencée par différents facteurs. Une redéfinition éventuelle du rôle devrait prendre en compte cette dualité et les interventions pédagogiques devraient être modulées en conséquence. // Abstract : The CanMEDS framework defines the roles and competencies for all Canadian physicians. It is widely used but fraught with challenges, particularly concerning the understanding and adoption of the health advocate role, which includes both individual and collective type actions. This study aimed to identify the factors that influence the intention to adopt this role by family medicine residents and to compare their intention related to individual versus collective type actions. A cross sectional descriptive study was designed using a web questionnaire based on the theory of planned behaviour elaborated by Ajzen. The questionnaire was sent by email in 2013 to all family medicine residents from francophone programs in Quebec. Sixty-eight residents (7%) completed the questionnaire. The importance of the role for participants and social pressure were particularly influential factors regarding the intention to adopt behaviours associated with the health advocate role (26% variance explained p < 0.001 and 48% p < 0.001 respectively). Residents also had a more favourable attitude towards individual type actions (mean =72,8% vs 58,3%, p<.05), and perceived more pressure to adopt them (mean = 82.7% vs 74.3%, p<.05). They perceived less control towards collective-type actions (mean = 79.8% vs 84.6%, p<.05). Since different types of action are associated with the health advocate role, intention to adopt the role can be influenced by different factors. Future revisions of the role should take into account the implicit duality of the role focusing on both individual and collective type actions and pedagogical interventions should be tailored accordingly.