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A geopolítica da economia mafiocontemporânea / Geopolítica da Economia MafiocontemporâneaSilva, Moacir Nunes e 09 November 2009 (has links)
Máfia será uma expressão abordada neste trabalho como uma concepção verbo-substantivo, tendo em vista o funcionamento do sistema capitalista, na lógica de possibilidades de investimento, envolvendo personagens mafiosos e práticas mafiosas, por isso a intenção de selar o verbo ao substantivo, visando estabelecer a imanência entre os indivíduos e suas ações, a fim de evitar análises baseadas em estereotipias de certos grupos, enquanto outros permanecem incólumes diante aos olhos da sociedade e inatingíveis diante da justiça, em razão da posição que ocupam. Assim, a dimensão será a de considerar a pessoa que mafia como mafioso, independentemente de seu status social, envolto no poder de influência, dimensão esta capaz de distingui-lo do mafioso clássico (o bandido oficial). Contudo, essa alteridade não o diferencia, apesar de não dominar os códigos, de não participar dos rituais e nem compactuar do estilo de vida produzido pelos criminosos latu sensu. As práticas esboçadas pelos arautos da economia e da política formal serão decodificadas como mafiosas ao longo dos seis capítulos que compõem esta tese. Geograficamente, a intenção desta pesquisa visa examinar a territorialidade dos lugares mafiosos do mundo contemporâneo, suas redes, seu entrelaçamento e suas implicações na economia dita formal, trabalho realizado a partir da aplicação clássica de conceitos já construídos sobre o tema e ensaiando a elaboração de outros. Pela raiz do trabalho se fará necessário um diálogo com outros campos do conhecimento, a fim de melhor visualizar a leitura geopolítica do mundo mafio-contemporâneo em sua complexa socioespacialidade. / The term Balkanization as proposed by Norberto Bobbio. Corresponds to the idea to characterize a division of continental, subcontinental or regional units politically separated or hostile towards one another. Such concept is associated to the balkanic region during the Balkan Wars, between 1912 and 1913 which fragmented nations into distinct political units and the prevailing process of relationship among new State-institutions. Nevertheless, the title of this research as the result of the project, grants to the concept double connotation. Hence, Balkanization in itself means the fragmentation within nations per se. However, it prioritizes former segretating process, chiefly those occurred post- Balkan Wars, identifying characters and movements of extensive dismantling power, and tries to disprove some truths long regarded as absolute ones, such as the one concerning the Muslim Turkish people seen as blood-thirsty and the Roman Catholic Church as libertarian. The second term \"Balcanization\" intends to focus on the world wide understanding of the Balkans, a spetacular image, revealing the generally accepted analysis of the region. The work by Maria Todorova - Imagining the Balkans - was an essencial reference towards the demystification of the expression, whose connotation has always carried a great deal of prejudice and derrogattory perspective, particularly as long as the territory once named Yugoslavia, which is the object of this research, is concerned. By limitating the studied perspective above to the Yugoslavia case and covering such fields as the local, the regional and global spheres, the title of this research intends to enlighten and define both senses, the object and its image, apprehending as accurately as possible its diversity of meanings, thus: From Balkanization to \"Balkanization\".
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A geopolítica da economia mafiocontemporânea / Geopolítica da Economia MafiocontemporâneaMoacir Nunes e Silva 09 November 2009 (has links)
Máfia será uma expressão abordada neste trabalho como uma concepção verbo-substantivo, tendo em vista o funcionamento do sistema capitalista, na lógica de possibilidades de investimento, envolvendo personagens mafiosos e práticas mafiosas, por isso a intenção de selar o verbo ao substantivo, visando estabelecer a imanência entre os indivíduos e suas ações, a fim de evitar análises baseadas em estereotipias de certos grupos, enquanto outros permanecem incólumes diante aos olhos da sociedade e inatingíveis diante da justiça, em razão da posição que ocupam. Assim, a dimensão será a de considerar a pessoa que mafia como mafioso, independentemente de seu status social, envolto no poder de influência, dimensão esta capaz de distingui-lo do mafioso clássico (o bandido oficial). Contudo, essa alteridade não o diferencia, apesar de não dominar os códigos, de não participar dos rituais e nem compactuar do estilo de vida produzido pelos criminosos latu sensu. As práticas esboçadas pelos arautos da economia e da política formal serão decodificadas como mafiosas ao longo dos seis capítulos que compõem esta tese. Geograficamente, a intenção desta pesquisa visa examinar a territorialidade dos lugares mafiosos do mundo contemporâneo, suas redes, seu entrelaçamento e suas implicações na economia dita formal, trabalho realizado a partir da aplicação clássica de conceitos já construídos sobre o tema e ensaiando a elaboração de outros. Pela raiz do trabalho se fará necessário um diálogo com outros campos do conhecimento, a fim de melhor visualizar a leitura geopolítica do mundo mafio-contemporâneo em sua complexa socioespacialidade. / The term Balkanization as proposed by Norberto Bobbio. Corresponds to the idea to characterize a division of continental, subcontinental or regional units politically separated or hostile towards one another. Such concept is associated to the balkanic region during the Balkan Wars, between 1912 and 1913 which fragmented nations into distinct political units and the prevailing process of relationship among new State-institutions. Nevertheless, the title of this research as the result of the project, grants to the concept double connotation. Hence, Balkanization in itself means the fragmentation within nations per se. However, it prioritizes former segretating process, chiefly those occurred post- Balkan Wars, identifying characters and movements of extensive dismantling power, and tries to disprove some truths long regarded as absolute ones, such as the one concerning the Muslim Turkish people seen as blood-thirsty and the Roman Catholic Church as libertarian. The second term \"Balcanization\" intends to focus on the world wide understanding of the Balkans, a spetacular image, revealing the generally accepted analysis of the region. The work by Maria Todorova - Imagining the Balkans - was an essencial reference towards the demystification of the expression, whose connotation has always carried a great deal of prejudice and derrogattory perspective, particularly as long as the territory once named Yugoslavia, which is the object of this research, is concerned. By limitating the studied perspective above to the Yugoslavia case and covering such fields as the local, the regional and global spheres, the title of this research intends to enlighten and define both senses, the object and its image, apprehending as accurately as possible its diversity of meanings, thus: From Balkanization to \"Balkanization\".
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Les moyens procéduraux de lutte contre la criminalité organisée en France et en Italie / I mezzi procedurali di lotta contro la criminalità organizzata in Francia e in ItaliaTruglia, Giusy 11 July 2011 (has links)
Depuis plusieurs années déjà, un phénomène particulièrement dangereux se répand et s’étend désormais partout, suscitant des inquiétudes au sein de la société : la criminalité organisée. Pour l’endiguer et pour garantir la protection des personnes, on a essayé d’employer une politique de prévention des crimes. A cette fin, de nombreux procédés législatifs ont été adoptés au niveau national et international. La communauté européenne et internationale est intervenue plusieurs fois dans la lutte contre la criminalité organisée, à partir du Traité de Maastricht, d’Amsterdam, du Conseil de Tampere jusqu’au récent Traité de Lisbonne. Ces traités ont permis l’adoption d’importantes mesures pour lutter contre la criminalité organisée. Il est également possible de relever que la Convention des Nations Unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée et la Convention du 29 mai 2000 ont eu un apport non négligeable. Des accords bilatéraux ont été adoptés par la France et l’Italie pour combattre plus efficacement ce péril et cette plaie qui infecte des points vitaux de la société (par exemple l’Administration Publique et les banques, dont le contrôle est nécessaire pour le blanchiment). La France, avec l’adoption de la loi Perben II du 9 mars 2004 portant adaptation de la justice aux évolutions de la criminalité et l’Italie avec les « paquets sécurité » de 2009 et 2010, ont employé beaucoup de moyens pour réduire et limiter le champ d’action de ces criminels. Un rôle fondamental a été celui des collaborateurs de justice que avec leurs aveux, en échange de réductions de peine, ont dévoilé la structure et la hiérarchie des associations criminelles permettant aux autorités compétentes de mieux les comprendre, de repérer les associés, et en nombreux cas de les détruire. Il faut souligner qu’une mesure efficace a été la confiscation des biens cumulés par les malfaiteurs (bien meubles et immeubles, c’est-à dire des dépôts bancaires, investissements financiers, propriétés, terrains, maisons) et leur utilisation de la part de l’administration publique à des fins sociales à l’avantage de toute la communauté (écoles, édifices publics et hôpitaux). La confiscation du bien, en fait, empêche la criminalité organisée d’en disposer et d’en tirer des revenus, mine sa structure et son pouvoir. Parallèlement, elle donne confiance aux populations souvent tourmentées et effrayées (pensons par exemple au racket imposé aux commerçants et aux entreprises de constructions, d’exploitation agricole), et alimente l’espoir d’une possible libération. La lutte contre les organisations criminelles est longue et difficile, mais si elle est mené avec détermination sur plusieurs fronts, avec la collaboration et la coordination des moyens répressifs des États et de leurs gouvernements, les succès ne pourront pas manquer / For quite a few years now, a particularly dangerous and unsettling phenomenon has been spreading and extending in various degrees throughout all the regions, and that phenomenon is organized crime. In order to check (limit) its spread and guarantee the protection of the population, a crime prevention policy has been imposed. To such an end, numerous legislative provisions have been adopted on both the national and international level. The European and international community have repeatedly intervened in the last years to fight against organized crime, beginning with the Treaty of Maastricht, the Council of Tampere, up to the recent Essay in Lisbon. These treaties have allowed for the adoption of important measures to fight against organized crime, and one should not overlook the Convention of the United Nations and the Convention of May 29, 2000 (in doing the same). Bilateral accords have been stipulated from both France and Italy to more effectively oppose this danger and social evil that threatens with infecting, if it has not already done so, the organs of modern societies (for example; Public Administration, banks (the control of which is necessary in order to recycle dirty money). France, with the approval of the Perben II Law of March 9, 2004 intended to bring up to date the tools of justice in order to make them more incisive in relationship to the evolution of criminality. Italy has done the same thing with the “safety packets” of 2009 and 2010. Furthermore, these two countries have employed many resources in order to try to reduce and limit criminality’s field of action. A fundamental role was carried out by those who collaborated with the judicial system who, by their confessions in exchange for reduced punishment, have disclosed the structure and the hierarchy of criminal associations allowing the authorities involved to better understand, individualize their affiliates (i.e. members) and, in numerous cases, to dismantle them. By contrast, a very effective measure has been and still is the confiscation of goods accumulated by (those) in organized crime (real and financial goods, that is, banking deposits, financial investments, property, land, houses) and their re-use by Public Administration for the social well-being and to the advantage of the entire community (schools, public buildings, hospitals). The forfeiture of such goods, in fact, deprives the criminal underworld the lifeblood and profits that it draws from them; it mines the structure its power, contemporaneously providing safety to the people who are often oppressed and intimidated (one needs only to think about the extortions imposed on shopkeepers, construction and agricultural enterprises) and heightens their hope of a possible liberation from the above. The struggles against criminal organizations is long and difficult, but if it is conducted with determination on more fronts, with the collaboration and the coordination of the repressive apparatuses of nations and their governments, success cannot fail
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