<p> The Manitoulin Formation on Manitoulin Island consists of a lower biostrome extending across the island and an upper biohermal accumulation just south of Manitowaning. </p> <p> Viscible hydrocarbon accumulations occur in the bioherm, mostly contained in the more porous framework corals Paleofavosites and Palaeophyllum. Hydrocarbons found in other sample sites across the island show a very low bulk weight per cent and are of no economic significance. </p> <p> The bulk of the hydrocarbon was likely formed in lower carbonates near the centre of the Michigan Basin. Petroleum is also thought to have been introduced with solutions which formed calcite deposits. </p> / Thesis / Bachelor of Science (BSc)

Alvars are naturally open habitats which are found in the Great Lakes region in North America and in Scandinavia. The insect fauna of four types of alvars (grassland, grassland savanna, shrubland and pavement) was sampled in the summer of 1996 on Manitoulin Island, Ontario. A total of 9791 specimens from four target insect groups (Coleoptera: Carabidae, Homoptera: Auchenorrhyncha, Hymenoptera: Symphyta and Lepidoptera: Papilionoidea and Hesperioidea) was identified. Results showed that the grassland savanna and grassland alvars supported the highest number of insect specimens whereas the pavement alvar supported the highest number of species. The origin of the fauna differed between the taxa depending on their closer association with specific microclimatic conditions (Carabidae) or on the presence of host plants (Auchenorrhynca). This first inventory of alvar insects in North America revealed the presence of a high number of species of interest to conservation (rare, disjunct or restricted species).

No description available.

This study is an exploratory qualitative analysis of Aboriginal and biomedical perceptions of non-insulin dependent diabetes (NIDDM) on Manitoulin Island. In-depth interviews were used to explore perceptions of the symptoms, causes, cures and consequences of diabetes amongst both health care providers and community members. An equal sample of individuals both with and without diabetes were interviewed. This study attempts to highlight divergent perceptions of NIDDM on the part of community members and health care providers. It argues that these perceptions are linked to divergent conceptions of health. Specifically, community members describe health in terms of cultural identity and social resilience. In contrast, health care providers focus on the physical dimensions of health and emphasize individual responsibility in maintaining health. As such, both biomedical and community narratives are engaged in the process of defining 'normality' within these divergent frameworks. Implications of these perceptions were explored in relation to diabetes management and treatment; causal factors; and emergent definitions for the 'body'. Attitudes towards diabetes 'management' differed between health care providers and community members. Health care providers related 'poor' management to a lack of compliance with lifestyle recommendations whereas community members describe barriers to management despite an articulated desire to do so. Within a biomedical framework, the diabetic 'self has a duty to act responsibly and manage their diabetes. The measurement of the blood sugar level is a marker of responsible actions. Nonetheless, community narratives emphasize the social and emotional consequences associated with managing diabetes thus highlighting how certain selves are better able to 'manage' diabetes than others. Divergent causal stories were outlined by health care providers and community members. Biomedical narratives emphasize the importance of individual lifestyle factors, particularly the impact of obesity, in causation. In contrast, community narratives emphasize the role of genetics in causation. Community narratives describe diabetes as collectively affecting Aboriginal people -further identifying those affected as different. Within this framework, the biomedical focus on modifying individual lifestyle practices is questioned and the pursuit of health becomes contingent on returning to an initial state of purity and health through traditional knowledge. Definitions for a 'healthy body' were also redefined within community narratives. It was argued that the emergent definitions can be considered a form of resistance-to both the universal body of biomedical discourse and the universal 'Native body'. Specifically, this resistance was expressed in definitions for causal factors describing an essentialized 'Native body' that is genetically and psychologically distinct. Nonetheless, a minority of community members also expressed resistance to the concept of a 'Native body' that is genetically distinct. Additional resistance was evident in narratives describing the relationship between health and body size. Within these narratives community members describe a healthy body that is larger thus questioning the biomedical emphasis on the relationship between thinness and health. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

I set out to learn something basic about architecture, something foundational on which to situate the conceptual and rhetorical exercises played within the studio. In settings both academic and professional I had been encouraged to reduce my study of architecture to a cerebral and retinal game of sorts played out via ever-increasingly seductive imagery. It seemed apparent that in order to think about architecture I should have been involved in an act of architecture. My intentions, albeit naïve, were to engage architecture on its own terms, through its own medium, to return to first principles, if there ever were any, and to acquire a form of embodied architectural knowledge inseparable from its material becoming. There was no amount of hypothesizing, theorizing, no amount of digital sophistication that could supplant the basic educational experience gained from involving myself with real materials, in a real place, with a fully engaged being. With this in mind I journeyed into Ontario’s North, with little more than a hammer and saw and a desire for experience, that most brutal of teachers. I would engage in a basic act of building as a method of acquiring a deeper understanding of the subject I had been studying for several years yet whose essence I felt I knew very little about. The resultant document, informed by traditions of the primitive hut, records a journey towards architectural embodiment; it resides as an argument for the reintroduction of embodied forms of learning into the education of the architect.

I set out to learn something basic about architecture, something foundational on which to situate the conceptual and rhetorical exercises played within the studio. In settings both academic and professional I had been encouraged to reduce my study of architecture to a cerebral and retinal game of sorts played out via ever-increasingly seductive imagery. It seemed apparent that in order to think about architecture I should have been involved in an act of architecture. My intentions, albeit naïve, were to engage architecture on its own terms, through its own medium, to return to first principles, if there ever were any, and to acquire a form of embodied architectural knowledge inseparable from its material becoming. There was no amount of hypothesizing, theorizing, no amount of digital sophistication that could supplant the basic educational experience gained from involving myself with real materials, in a real place, with a fully engaged being. With this in mind I journeyed into Ontario’s North, with little more than a hammer and saw and a desire for experience, that most brutal of teachers. I would engage in a basic act of building as a method of acquiring a deeper understanding of the subject I had been studying for several years yet whose essence I felt I knew very little about. The resultant document, informed by traditions of the primitive hut, records a journey towards architectural embodiment; it resides as an argument for the reintroduction of embodied forms of learning into the education of the architect.

The disproportionate incarceration of indigenous peoples in Canada is far more than a socio-economic legacy of colonialism. The Department of Indian Affairs (DIA) espoused incarceration as a strategic instrument of assimilation. Colonial consciousness could not reconcile evolving indigenous identities with projects of state formation founded on the epistemological invention of populating idle land with productive European settlements. The 1876 Indian Act instilled a stubborn, albeit false, categorization deep within the structures of the Canadian state: “Indian,” ward of the state. From “Indian” classification conferred at birth, the legal guardianship of the state was so far-reaching as to make it akin to the control of incarcerated inmates. As early iterations of the DIA sought to enforce the legal dominion of the state, “Indians” were quarantined on reserves until they could be purged of indigenous identities that challenged colonial hegemony. Reserve churches, council houses, and schools were symbolic markers as well as practical conveyors of state programs. Advocates of Christianity professed salvation and taught a particular idealized morality as prerequisites to acceptable membership in Canadian society. Agricultural instructors promoted farming as a transformative act in the individual ownership of land. Alongside racializing religious edicts and principles of stewardship, submission to state law was a critical precondition of enfranchisement into the adult milieu. When indigenous identities persisted, children were removed from their families and placed in residential schools for intensive assimilation. Adults and children deemed noncompliant to state laws were coerced through incarceration. Jails were powerful symbols of the punitive authority of the Dominion of Canada. Today, while the overrepresentation of Aboriginal persons in prisons is a matter of national concern, and critiques of systematic racism dismantle ideologies of impartial justice, the precise origins of indigenous imprisonment have not been identified. The DIA was so intimately invested in assimilation through incarceration that lock-ups were erected with band funds on “Indian lands” across Canada. Archival documents and the landscape of Manitoulin Island make this legal historical geographical analysis of assimilation through incarceration possible. / Thesis (Ph.D, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-28 14:23:08.969

This work explores the insights that can be gained from an investigation of the shared terms of the Manitoulin Island treaties of 1836 (Treaty 45) and 1862. I focus specifically on these treaties because I was raised in proximity to this area. This thesis is very much a personal exploration in the sense that I have come to understand myself as implicated in a treaty relationship and wish to know my obligations under these agreements. In my interpretation of the Manitoulin Island treaties, I employ a strategy developed by Dr. Michael Asch that begins with the Indigenous understandings. Within this strategy, treaties are conceptualized as honourable agreements meant to ensure our legitimate presence on this land. This methodology is unique in the sense that it conceives of our representatives' actions as sincere. This step is necessary because Indigenous peoples believed we were acting honourably during negotiations. In applying this strategy in my reading of the Manitoulin Island treaties, my objective is to discern the treaty relationship that was established, and to state clearly the obligations of both parties under these agreements. Though the primary focus of this thesis is my analysis of the treaties, I briefly discuss in my conclusion the anthropological insights I have gained from this exercise with respect to communication across cultures. Throughout this work, I focus on the concept of sharing as a productive and positive framework for thinking about relationships between cultures.