Indigenous psychology in Aotearoa positions the aspirations of Māori as central. The aim of this thesis is to describe and contribute to the development of a psychological discipline which is relevant and of benefit for Māori communities. Part One sets the scene in Aotearoa, examining the relationship between Māori development and psychology. Part Two explores the indigenous psychology literature base, identifying strategies which may be relevant to Aotearoa. The key themes of context, critical mass, and mechanisms to support indigenous psychology development are identified as being relevant to Aotearoa. Part Three explores indigenous psychology development in Aotearoa. Data from a range of sources is qualitatively analysed to develop five themes which describe the current status of Māori development in psychology, the importance of the critical mass and the notion of collective responsibility. Part Four, drawing from the analysis in Parts One, Two and Three, identifies 'reaching the point of irreversible change' as the next phase of indigenous psychology development in Aotearoa. This is the point at which indigenous psychology development becomes self-sustaining. The point at which irreversible change occurs is when: Māori knowledge bases are a legitimate part of psychology in Aotearoa; resistance to the legitimacy of Māori knowledge bases in psychology is not a characteristic of our landscape; environments supportive of indigenous psychology development are commonplace; and responsibility for contributing to indigenous psychology development is shared among and sustained by the collective capacity of the Leaders and Producers. Consolidation, the process by which multiple and interrelated pathways are connected to form a unified whole, is fundamental to reaching the point of irreversible change. An original interactional framework for consolidation is proposed. This framework is based on two key consolidating mechanisms: a working description of Kaupapa Māori Psychologies; and a Kaupapa Māori Psychologies Research and Training Centre. Psychologies relevant and of benefit to Māori communities which contribute to the realisation of Māori aspirations are the cornerstones, with all elements of the framework leading back into this fundamental foundation.

As a postgraduate student, my interest has been in teaching theory and especially holistic based relational teaching practices. As an educator, I am constantly striving to improve my practice and become the best teacher I can for my students. These factors, combined with my strong desire to bring about change in the education system that will value knowledge and beliefs outside the paradigm of the dominant pedagogy, have led to this research.The philosophy of Ata is firmly posited within Matauranga Maori and is not new, however, as a philosophy of teaching theory it is new and is the topic of this thesis. A case study was undertaken to observe the researcher's teaching practice based on the principles of the philosophy, and to consider the possibility of developing a theory of best practice in teaching based on the philosophy of Ata. This was a mixed method study involving the July 2005 intake of Bachelor of Education students for the Matauranga Maori class at the School of Education Te Kura Matauranga, AUT. Data collection methods included research assistant observations, a researcher reflective journal, student questionnaires and a student focus group interview.The findings of the study indicated that teaching under the principles of the philosophy of Ata assists the development of respectful relationships within the classroom environment, and suggests this enhances student learning. The findings could be significant for all teachers and teacher educators as they suggest a teaching theory based on the philosophy of Ata may provide educators with a values based theory of practice that is not only humanistic but also maintains standards of professionalism.From both the literature reviewed and from student comments, indications are that by developing a sense of belonging, a feeling of connectedness, and by demonstrating mutual respect in classroom situations, the learning environment appears to be enhanced. The findings of the study further indicate that the positive effects of teaching under the philosophy of Ata may not be restricted to any particular classroom environment. This is an important finding in my opinion because it indicates that Ata as a teaching philosophy may be successful in growing relationships in other environments, making it a strong, working theory of teaching. Teacher qualities identified by the students as being essential to learning can be developed through embracing the philosophy of Ata and incorporating it into teaching practice and this is the challenge I put forward to all teachers and teacher educators.The study has potentially opened new and exciting possibilities for teacher educators searching for a teaching practice theory that is strongly values-based. Implications of the study include stronger recognition of the value of cultural knowledge in theeducation system, an acknowledgement of the depth of knowledge contained in te ao Maori, and an opportunity to honour Te Tiriti o Waitangi by developing a bi-cultural model of teaching based on the philosophy of Ata.

Diseases and disorders of the temporomandibular joint are commonly encountered clinically. This has lead to most temporomandibular research focusing upon the pathologies that affect the joint and their proposed aetiologies. Little of this research has been conucted on the prehistoric Polynesians. Therefore, this study was developed in order to determine the type and pattern of any temporomandibular pathologies in the prehistoric Maori and Moriori and to investigate their possible aetiologies. For this study a sample of 89 prehistoric Maori and Moriori skulls were used. All temporomandibular pathologies were recorded by type, location, and severity. Where possible, the ecological and geographical provenance of each individual was recorded and their sex and age estimated. This enabled an analysis of whether the prevalence and severity of temporomandibular degeneration varied between provenances or sexes, and if the occurrence of temporomandibular pathology increased with age. The condition of the dentition was also recorded for each individual as the dentition has been implicated in many previous studies to be an aetiological factor in temporomandibular degeneration. The dental conditions examined include; tooth attrition, inflammation of infection of the alveolar bone, dental caries, and fern root planes. Finally, the presence of any congenital or developmental anomalies and condylar enthesophytes were recorded in order to investigate if these conditions had any relationship to the occurrence of temporomandibular degeneration. A high prevalence of temporomandibular degenerative joint disease was found in this sample. No primary relationship was seen between age, congenital or developmental anomalies, condylar enthesophytes and temporomandibular degeneration. Furthermore, despite a high proportion of these individuals having very worn teeth, with consequent infection and tooth loss, no primary relationships were found between the selected dental conditions and temporomandibular degeneration either. However, a significant association was found between the selected dental conditions and temporomandibular degeneration either. A significant association was found between the sex of the individual and temporomandibular pathology, with males being more frequently and severely affected than the females. This appeared to be due differences in dietary type between the sex of the individual and temporomandibular pathology, with males being more frequently and severely affected than the females. This appeared to be due to differences in dietary type between the sexes resulting in more severe biomechanical degeneration recorded may be caused by excessive biomechanical loading possibly resulting from the diet or as a consequence of the Polynesian morphology. Interestingly, over one third of the sample had grooving in at least one fossae. It is proposed that this grooving may have either a hereditary component, or result from a specific morphological variation that is present in the prehistoric Maori and Moriori.

This thesis examines the situation of Maori women in Otago District between 1874 and 1936. Their situation is indeed unique in that there was a higher level of intermarriage during this period than in the North Island. The focus is on population decline and its recovery, health, alienation of the land, poverty, education and what effect all these had on the women. It has been extremely difficult to expand further because of limited sources of information, mainly the Appendices to the Journals of the House of Representatives and pieces of information scattered in official reports. Oral history interviews have been combined with appropriate photographs to illustrate the issues raised. The conclusion rested on the fact that a lot of these women were little different from North Island Maori women at this period, despite the high level of intermarriage. This is because they lost most of their land and became economically marginalised like the North Island Maoris.

The chief argument of this study of major reforms within Maori schools is that while their curriculum was updated and morale restored, all educational developments were predicated upon the Maori people remaining a rural, dependent people. In the background to schooling changes were two expressions of nationalism within New Zealand: Attempts of the Dominion, at an official level, to assert its independence, moves made more urgent by the Depression, and secondly, the growing sense of the Maori people of their racial and cultural heritage. These significant changes were joined by a clutch of moves which propelled the Maori people into the national economy. The chief architects of schooling changes would have considered their work made a major break with the past. In reality it continued a tradition embedded in the nineteenth century in which education was regarded as a means of social control. As such, this paternalistic stance originated from British colonial theory, and from the purposes defined for education of the so-called lower classes. Partial reinterpretations of the tradition emerged in the growing practice of setting aside reserves for native education, from E G Wakefield�s theories, and the highly influential stance of John Thornton, Headmaster of Te Aute Collage. In a theory novel for the nineteenth century, Thornton held that Maoris should be so educated that they might fill any job or profession. Douglas Ball, appointed Inspector in 1928, was a domineering presence within Maori Schools. The substantial support of unique, creative government projects to make productive farms of Maori traditional lands were joined to Ball�s promotion of the tenets of Progrssive Education, and the then-novel introduction of Maoritanga in the curricululum. Education and social philosophies so espoused were derivative; the former from the �child-centredness� of Progressive Education, the latter, from the late colonial theory of adaptionism. Schooling renewal and land development attracted bi-partisan support. Ball received further support from international colleagues. It was the demise of the Proficiency Examinaton, however, that enabled education to be pressed into a vocational pattern, and with it, moves to link school and community. This renewal received limited challenge until officials pressed for reforms and expansion of secondary education on a vocational basis. Pressure on Denominational Schools to virtually abandon academic courses was exceedingly unpopular, as were the turns the development of the Native District High Schools took: Maori families had become aware that a good life on the land was not possible for all. They also felt the vocational slant was an insult to Maori aspiration for better jobs and recognized status within New Zealand. Maori opposition to this form of education was an appropriate response to its limitations. This study concludes, however, given the paucity of articulate critics a no-contest situation emerged in face of strongly-held stereotypes and the bureaucratic vigour of an Education Department bent on implementing �progressive� policies.

The significance of tapu in Maori Christianity is a task best investigated by Maoris themselves, however, it is a challenge for an outsider to make an attempt, which demands a great deal of personnal experience of socio-political and religions of the people. The translation of Christian experience in the local religious terms would have become beneficial to the Maori Christians. This dissertation is the outcome of library research so that the views expressed are the result of materials consulted. There may have been other up to date materials however with limited time required for such investigation they were not able to be consulted and those consulted may not have been interpreted correctly. However, an attempt had been made in order to interest others for further investigation to encourage and build the Church of God among the Maoris. The attempt made in the following pages was to identify the function of tapu in Maori society in the past and the present and its influence in Christian belief and experience today. To identify tapu experience in Maori Christianity today we have tried to define tapu as it was present in the past religious belief and practise and as it is maintained today. Tapu as protective prohibitions in the past continue to influence Christian belief and practise in the present day. In the second section we have tried to identify the source of tapu. The sacredness or tapu originated from Io the supreme being which was bestowed upon the first born male child of human being by Tane through the three baskets of knowledge and the sacred stones. Tane had received these items at the twelveth heavens from Io the originator, the father of all things.

The most succinct abstract of this thesis is the title itself. Nga Roimata O Hine-nui-te-po literally means the tears of Hine-nui-te-po (the guardian of dead). It is a phrase associated with death but not always with grief. Sadness is involved as the deceased is leaving the living but it can also imply joy as the deceased is returning home (Kainga) to the place of ancestral origin (Hawaiki). Death was and is seen as the focal point of Maori life. It was the axis around which the actions of the living revolved. It was a time of mourning but also a time of happiness as it witnessed the birth of an ancestor. This study firstly discusses traditional Maori death customs in relation to traditional Maori society. The topic has obvious limitations. The reliance on unverified records, often based on second-hand hearsay, is hopefully balanced, to some degree, by authenticated information and some material provided by recent archaeological reconstruction. Discussion with contemporary informants was also of valuable assistance. Secondly the thesis attempts to provide an under-standing as to why Maori culture has survived despite over one and a half centuries of intensive outside influence. The study of death in both its past and present Maori contexts points to the reason for the continuity of Maoritanga being held within Maori attitudes toward death. Maoritanga can only be understood via an appreciation of tangihanga. Maoritanga did and does have tangihanga as its very heart. Death was and is the centre of Maori life

Summary: Chapter 1. Cultural continuity and the archaeologist's use of ethnographic analogy. There can be no doubt of the usefulness to New Zealand archaeologists of the confident knowledge that only Polynesians occupied this country, and that they did so for only a comparatively short time. While arguments for Melanesian or Western Polynesian cultural influence, or even a three or four thousand year time span may be noted, the widely held view of cultural continuity and a date for initial settlement perhaps a little more than a thousand years ago, is of crucial importance to the way archaeologists in this country view their primary information. This thesis explores the implications of the �confidence in the continuity of culture� by employing the �direct historical� ethnographic analogy. In addition, this work is also concerned with the �general comparative� ethnographic analogy. The difference between the terms �direct historical� and �general comparative� is significant not only for the variety of methods employed, but also because of the distinctiveness of their limitations. The �direct historical� analogy can be used only when there is demonstrable or assumed direct cultural continuity between archaeological information - the prehistoric group - and the ethnographic analogue. �General comparative� analogy draws upon a wide variety of cultural and behavioural models to generate hypotheses and interpretations of value to the archaeologist. Ascher (1961) restricts his �new analogy� to those archaeological areas for which historical continuity to the ethnographic present cannot be demonstrated. It is clear, however, that the concept of the general comparative analogy is more useful: it is frequently valuable to draw on a wide range of ethnographic observations and generalisations to reinforce particular historical analogues, and to offer interpretations for archaeological data for which there is no direct ethnographic insight. The problems of ethnographic analogy have recently come under some scrutiny. This examination involves what is perhaps the central methodological and theoretical issue for archaeology: the relation of excavated data to whatever model or framework is used in interpretation. A major result of this new look at the ethnographic analogy is the recognition that ethnographic observations do not provide the only source of interpretative hypotheses. A more eclectic approach is now favoured and ecology and the behavioural sciences are explored for insight into archaeological data, while systems theory and other frameworks are used in analysis. For example, Anderson (1973) uses a competition model developed by ecologists to explain changes in size frequency and species composition in four stratified midden sites. Clearly the notion that archaeology depends on ethnographic analogy for interpretation is no longer tenable. None the less, ethnographic analogy does remain the most important single source of interpretative models for archaeology...

The concept of similarity has occupied a key position in the interpretation of archaeological evidence since Thomson�s Three Age System was formulated (Thomsen, 1836). Indeed, the writing of prehistory demands the use of this concept in relating evidence from stratigraphically distant horizons. Taylor, however, not only argued that too much emphasis could be placed on this comparative approach, but also claimed that it could be detrimental to the full recovery of archaeological information (W.W. Taylor, 1948). A similar dissatisfaction in Britain prompted Clark (1964, 1966, 1967) to adopt a �conjunctive approach� (W.W. Taylor, 1948:7) exemplified in their work as economic prehistorians. This reappraisal however, has increased rather than diminished the need for procedured designed to relate assemblages in cultural terms. While the development of methods of analysis which assess the similarity between comparable items of different assemblages proceeds, it is stressed that sound theoretical principles, whereby the results of such analyses may be interpreted in the most plausible manner, must be adopted. Indeed it is urged that the common assumption that the degree of cultural similarity is directly proportional to the formal similarity, is by no means universally valid. Considerable advances have recently been made in developing techniques to identify formal relationships by establishing the degree of �proximity� between different assemblages of information. The ancillary problem of interpreting results in cultural terms has received relatively less attention. This dissertation considers the application of methods of �proximity� analysis to specific New Zealand assemblages, together with a discussion of the problems encountered in interpretation. The general implications of this research for prehistoric studies will also be considered--Introduction.

Summary: In the last two decades, the development of New Zealand prehistory has seen a movement away from a strong emphasis on archaeology to a growing concern with synthesis and theory. One aspect of this has been the prolonged discussion of the cultural status of the New Zealand Maori during the �Classic Maori Phase�. In part this was stimulated by an increase in knowledge of the earlier Archaic period (Duff, 1956:73-82). It was also influenced by a widespread interest in the records of early voyagers and travellers encouraged by the wealth of new editions available (for example, the Beaglehole editions of the journals of Cook and Banks). The inadequacies of the archaeological assemblages belonging to this phase were acknowledged at the Second Annual Conference of the New Zealand Archaeological Association (Golson, 1957:279). Consequently, many prehistorians began to regard these records as supplementary information. Observations made by Europeans, as visitors or residents in New Zealand were compiled in order to delineate the differences between the earlier and later phases of New Zealand prehistory (Golson, 1957:279-280; Golson and Gathercole, 1962:271). The past seven years have been seen a marked upsurge of interest in the precise details of culture contact between European and Maori during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This period of initial contact was named the �protohistoric� period of Maori culture in line with the terminology adopted overseas (Golson and Gathercole, 1962:173). The French, who differentiated between the prehistoric period when writing was non-existent, and the historic period when cultural developments could be studied with the aid of written documents, introduced the term �protohistoric� to mark the early historic period when written documents were occasionally produced, but not on a universal scale (Hawkes, 1951: 1, 3)--Chapter One.