Abstract Title: Foreign news coverage. Does the media influence the action in international crises? (Utrikesbevakning. Påverkar media agerandet i internationella kriser?) Number of pages: 39 Author: Charlotta Andrésson Tutor: Professor Lowe Hedman Course: Media and Communication Studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University. Date of submission: 2007-01-03, autumn term of 2006 Purpose/Aim The purpose of the essay is partly to examine if foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. It is also to answer if the media are responsible for the possible consequences of the news coverage. My main questions at issue are: 1. Does the foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises? 2. Is media responsible for the possible consequences of their foreign news coverage? I also ask a question at issue in a research of Swedish foreign news coverage in my essay to get a clearer picture of the foreign news coverage: 3. How does Swedish foreign news coverage relate to prior research? Method: The second chapter of the essay is a literature research of news selection and news values. The third chapter of the essay is a research of media’s influence on the world politics and humanitarian aid. These two chapters are literature studies based on prior research, theories and debates. The fourth chapter is an empirical study of a news programme on a Swedish TV-channel during a five months period between 2004 and 2005. My interest in the empirical study was to examine how the material was divided geographically and as regards contents. The fifth and sixth chapter of the essay consists of an analysis and a discussion. Main results: As my main result I concluded that the media influence the political agenda setting and the the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. The media throw light upon which crises that should be given priority to. The theories for news selection and news value agrees with the result of my research of Swedish foreign news coverage. I also concluded that the media alone was not responsible for the possible consequences for their foreign news coverage but that they are the premier channel of information about the world for most people. Keywords: Foreign news, news selection and news value, CNN-effect, Media and political agenda setting, Media influence of humanitarian aid.

Eating disorders and low self-esteem among young women is a growing concern in today’s society. Due to this growing concern, this subject has been given a lot of attention both in media and through academic research during recent years. One area that has been highly criticized and examined is the idealized ideals often presented in media and advertisement today. These ideals can, according to literature, harm young women due to social comparison with these idealized images. According to previous research, this social comparison can have a negative effect on both self-esteem and body satisfaction. Research also show that continued exposure to such ideals can lead to internalization of thin and beauty ideals, which in turn is proven to be a strong predictor for these images negative affect on self-esteem and body satisfaction. Because of these findings and the critique of these ideals in media, this is an important subject to study both because of the ethical concerns with continuing to reinforce these ideals in advertisement, and from a society’s perspective in order to learn who might need extra protection in order to not be harmed by these ideals. Therefore, this study will firstly examine if we can see a negative effect on high school student’s self-esteem and body satisfaction, after being exposed to idealized images (in our case thin-models). Our study will also examine, in a second part, if we can see, depending on the lifestyle of the students, if some girls are more vulnerable than others to the exposure of idealized images. The second part of the study will contribute with information of which young women that need extra protection and attention to not develop low self-esteem due to the pressure of living up to the ideals. The method of our study is mostly of a deductive nature since this is an extensively researched topic, where pre-established methods and theories can be found. However, as the second part of the study has not been previous research this part will use a combination of deductive and inductive strategy. To collect the primary data an experimental design is used, with pre-established measurements for self-esteem and body satisfaction. Moreover, statements regarding the participant’s lifestyle are constructed with the help of AIOs lifestyle questionnaire as an inspiration. The experiment processes consists of two steps. First, the participants are exposed to two images, either thin-model images, normal sized woman images, or control images (which is images without any persons in it). After the exposure, the participants are asked to answer the questionnaire consisting of the self-esteem measurement, the body satisfaction measurement, and the lifestyle statements. The first part of our study did not show any sign of the thin-model image having any effect on the participant’s self-esteem or body satisfaction. However, we found a significant difference between the girls of 15-17 years old and those who were 18-20 years old self-esteem and body satisfaction means. Where the girls 15-17 scored significantly lower in both. Our conclusion of these findings is that there still is a high internalization of unhealthy thin and beauty ideals especially among the younger girls. Therefore, idealized media still is harmful for these girls since they are reinforcing and contributing to these ideals in society. For the second part of the study, we found a significant difference between the Party lifestyle group and the Sport lifestyle group’s self-esteem, where the Party Lifestyle group had a significantly lower self-esteem than the Sport lifestyle group. Further, we could also see a connection throw-out all of our results between self-esteem and body satisfaction, where those who scored low in self-esteem most often also scored low in body satisfaction and the other way around. This finding showed us that those with a party lifestyle are more vulnerable to idealized media exposure in that way that they are more likely to internalize unhealthy beauty and thin ideals.

The current heated national debate over immigration policy is a reminder of the contentious relationship the United States historically has had with its immigrant population, especially those who enter the country without proper documentation. For example, a major issue confronting California voters in 1994 was Proposition 187, a plan to deny social services to the state’s undocumented immigrants, the vast majority of whom were nonwhite. In this study, I argue that this issue took place during an immigration “panic,” one of several that took place in the United States during the 20th century. In these “panics,” which also occurred in the 1930s, the 1950s and the 1970s, undocumented immigrants served as convenient scapegoats for larger social ills. A significant and under-researched aspect of these events was the role played by the major U. S. mainstream media in perpetuating this scapegoating process. The study takes an in-depth look at how the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times covered the 1994 debate over Proposition 187, which occurred during the most recent of these immigration panics. It concludes that these newspapers’ coverage of 187 was shaped by the discourse of California’s elite politicians (both liberal and conservative) that focused on the predominantly non-white population of undocumented immigrants as “the problem.” By framing the undocumented as deviant, this coverage helped perpetuate the elite “blame the victim” discourse that diverted public attention from other issues facing the state, such as the fact that California was enduring its most significant recession since the Great Depression. / text

Access to abstract permanently restricted to Ball State community only. / Access to thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only. / Department of Telecommunications

Magistro baigiamajame darbe yra analizuojama socialinių tinklų įtaka organizacijos marketingo plėtrai. Buvo atliktas socialinių tinklų įtakos organizacijos marketingo plėtrai tyrimas Lietuvoje. Tyrimas atliktas pasitelkus struktūrizuoto klausimyno arba interviu metodą. Darbe taip pat taikyta mokslinės literatūros analizė. Tyrimo tikslas – įvertinti socialinių tinklų įtaką interneto marketingo plėtrai, remiantis Lietuvos įmonių pavyzdžiu bei pateikti su šia sritimi susijusius pasiūlymus. Darbe buvo iškelti du tyrimo uždaviniai: - atlikti ekspertų nuomonės tyrimą, kurio pagalba galima išsiaiškinti, koks yra ekspertų požiūris į socialinių tinklus internetinio marketingo plėtroje Lietuvoje; - pasiūlyti aspektus, į kuriuos turėtų atkreipti dėmesį Lietuvos įmonės, naudodamos socialinius tinklus internetinio marketingo plėtroje. Tyrimo objektas – Socialinių tinklų taikymas marketingo plėtroje. Išanalizavus socialinių tinklų įtaką organizacijos marketingo plėtrai leido įvertinti socialinių tinklų teikiamą naudą organizacijos marketingui bei pasiūlyti organizacijoms į ką reikėtų atkreipti dėmesį prieš pradedant naudoti socialinius tinklus marketingo plėtroje. Magistro baigiamąjį darbą sudaro trys dalys. Pirmame skyriuje yra analizuojamas internetinis marketingas; socialiniai tinklai, jų samprata, tendencijos, atsiradimo užuomazgos, kūrimo principai, įtaka marketingui. Antrame skyriuje yra nagrinėjama socialinių tinklų įtakos organizacijos marketingui, remiantis Skandinavijos šalių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In master‘s thesis there is analysing social networks‘ influence to organization‘s marketing enlargement. Due to this, there was made a research to find out what kind of influence social networks do to organization‘s marketing enlargement. The research was made using Lithuania‘s organizations‘ experience. It was made using structured questionnaire or interview method. The goal of the research – to evaluate the social networks’ influence to the marketing enlargement in the internet using Lithuania’s organizations’ experience. Also to give suggestions about this topic. There were made two main research tasks in the master’s thesis: First, make an experts‘ opinion‘s research which should help to find out what is the experts‘ attitude to social networks marketing enlargement in the internet in Lithuania country. To suggest aspects which should be analysed by organizations‘ managers, who use social networks as a measure to raise marketing enlargement in the internet. The object of the research – social networks application in the marketing enlargement. Analyzing the influence of social networks to organization’s marketing enlargement let us evaluate the advantages of using social networks in this area. After research there is a possibility to give suggestions to organizations’ managers to which particular things they should pay attention before starting to use social networks in marketing enlargement. Master’s thesis consists of three parts. In the first part there is analyzed... [to full text]

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After a decade long multi-faceted political crisis, political parties in Zimbabwe signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 2008 following the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) mediated talks culminating in the formation of an inclusive government. This study sought to investigate the political role, if any, played by the diasporic media in mediating the Zimbabwean crisis. This research focused on diasporic media using as a case study The Zimbabwean newspaper considering that during the research period it was circulating both in the country and diaspora communities in Western Europe, the USA and SADC countries. Diasporic media in Zimbabwe is a phenomenon associated with the rise of robust political opposition to the former ruling ZANU PF regime. Accordingly, such media operated outside the purview of the contemporary legislative and legal regime although the newspaper circulated in Zimbabwe. A number of anti establishment news media sprouted to challenge and offer resistance in the cyberspace and on shortwave and in print media. The Social Responsibility Theory was employed with the aim of establishing whether or not The Zimbabwean observed the journalistic ethics of reporting with truthfulness, accuracy, balance and objectivity. The Social Responsibility Theory’s thrust is on de-sensationalising reportage, promotion of media ethics and self regulation. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative research methods. The research established that The Zimbabwean newspaper played, to a larger extent, an active role in challenging the ZANU PF-led government and gave a platform to the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change. The conclusion arrived at in this study was that just like the state media, which promoted the government’s propaganda, The Zimbabwean did the same for the opposition parties in Zimbabwe. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke partye in Zimbabwe het ná ’n lang politieke krisis met vele fasette die Global Political Agreement (GPA) van 2008 geteken. Dit het gevolg op die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) se mediëring wat gelei het tot die vorm van ’n inklusiewe regering. Hierdie studie het probeer om die politieke rol, indien enigsins, van die diaspora-media in die mediëring van die Zimbabwiese krisis te ondersoek. Die navorsing het op diaspora-media gefokus deur ’n gevallestudie van die koerant The Zimbabwean te doen. Dié blad is gedurende die navorsingstyd in die land sowel as onder die Zimbabwiese diaspora in Europa, die VSA en SAOG-lande versprei. Diaspora-media in Zimbabwe is ’n fenomeen wat geassosieer word met die opkoms van ’n robuuste politieke opposisie teen die ZANU (PF)-regime. Dié media opereer dus buite die grense van die juridiese en wetgewende gesag van die land. ’n Verskeidenheid antiestablishment media het in die kuberruim, kortgolfradio en drukmedia ontwikkel wat beide uitgedaag en weerstand gebied het. Die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie is gebruik om vas te stel of The Zimbabwean joernalistieke etiek nagekom het deur waarheidsgetrou en akkuraat, sowel as met balans en objektiwiteit, te rapporteer. Die teorie fokus om reportage te desensasionaliseer en om media-etiek en selfregulering te bevorder. Die studie het kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe navorsingsmetodes gebruik. Die navorsing het vasgestel dat The Zimbabwean tot ’n groot mate ’n aktiewe rol gespeel het om die ZANU (PF)-regering uit te daag en ’n platform te bied aan die Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)-groepering. Die slotsom is dat, net soos die staatsmedia regering-propaganda bevorder het, The Zimbabwean dit vir die opposisiepartye in Zimbabwe gedoen het.

The thesis is focused on the influence of media education of the ability of students of the second grade of elementary schools to interpret media communication. The reader will be provided an insight into the issue of media and their influence on a person with a main focus on the students of the second grade of elementary school. The second part of this thesis present the concept of media education, it offers a proposal for a block of media education with assessment of the impal of teaching on the respektive competencies of the students. The effectiveness of the teaching will be assessed through research surveys designed as a qualitative comparison of students' testimonies after completing a media education course, using the group interview Focus group. The questions are focused on the critical analysis of media communication, whereas students' answers are compared with a control group that was not equally educated. KEYWORDS advertisement, influence, focus group, media, mass media, media education, second grade of elementary school

A pesquisa partiu da observação de uma diminuição da polarização urbana do Rio de Janeiro sobre a Zona da Mata/Juiz de Fora (seu principal núcleo) em detrimento de Belo Horizonte. O objetivo deste estudo foi dimensionar essa gangorra da polarização metropolitana exercida na região por meio do futebol, a fute-polarização. A influência urbana sobre a Mata foi dimensionada. Partimos da presença do futebol no Brasil como fato socioespacial para chegarmos à Mata, onde elencamos o futebol como uma modernidade articulada com as redes de transportes e de cidades, e com seus divulgadores proeminentes (escolas, jornais e rádios). Ao contato com a novidade futebol, grupos sociais passaram a criar times e identificações por meio das sedes sociais, campos e estádios, formação de torcidas e de uma futeiconografia (insígnias, cores e mascotes) utilizada pelos clubes de futebol. Nas cidades matenses, o futebol foi favorecido pela ideologia do higienismo, pela destinação de espaços públicos defronte das igrejas (onde se jogava futebol) e pela divulgação exercida por imigrantes (italianos), estudantes repatriados do exterior ou internamente (comumente do Rio), além dos jornais e rádios. Em escala nacional e regional, traçamos a trajetória da mídia (dos impressos à TV) como meio de apreensão de torcedores, pois as cidades-sedes dos grupos de comunicação Rio e São Paulo obtiveram um extenso território sob domínio de suas agremiações de futebol. Assim, levantamos historicamente como o maior contato da Zona da Mata com o Rio de Janeiro fez dela uma região de influência carioca: caminhos e estradas seculares, além da penetração de emissoras de rádios e de televisão fizeram dos matenses torcedores dos times cariocas. Para tal, usamos fontes primárias (jornais, arquivos públicos, sites dos times). Além disso, a disputa entre Juiz de Fora e Belo Horizonte para sediar a nova capital de Minas (final do século XIX), aliada a uma posterior decadência econômica regional e da tardia conexão viária (meados do XX) e econômica com Belo Horizonte atrasaram a influência da capital mineira na Mata, refletida apenas nas últimas décadas. A partir de todo esse panorama passamos a dimensionar a polarização urbana via futebol. Analisamos e cartografamos as preferências clubísticas nos 142 municípios da Mata Mineira, que ficou cingida por uma diagonal NE-SW: a leste dela, domínio do Rio de Janeiro, e a oeste domínio de Belo Horizonte, além de São Paulo se postar na contenda em ambos os lados. Cotejamos os territórios das torcidas com as transmissões de jogos de futebol pelas rádios e pelas TVs (afiliadas da Globo) da região, que reforçam uma ou outra metrópole. Como senda analítica, utilizamos as noções de redes e de redes urbanas. Por fim, relacionamos a fute-polarização com a fute-iconografia a fim de discutir as identidades territoriais da região, que é comumente taxada na literatura de ter pouca mineiridade. Encontramos verdades, mas também exageros e omissões diante de uma suposta não/pouca vinculação Mata-Minas. Via futebol, concluímos que a polarização carioca é maior no S-SE da Zona da Mata, enquanto Belo Horizonte domina o N-NW, confirmando a hipótese inicial. / The research started from the observation of a decrease in the urban bias of Rio de Janeiro on the Zona da Mata/Juiz de Fora (its core) over Belo Horizonte. The aim of this study was to scale this seesaw of metropolitan bias exerted in the region through soccer, \"Soccerpolarization\". Urban influence on Zona da Mata was scaled. We start from the soccer presence in Brazil as socio-fact to come to the Zona da Mata region, where we list soccer as an articulated modernity with transport networks and cities, and their prominent advisers (schools, newspapers and radios). The contact with the new \"soccer\", social groups started to create teams and identifications through the head offices, fields and stadiums, training cheering and a \"Soccer-iconography\" (insignia, colors and mascots) used by soccer clubs. In Zona da Mata cities, soccer was favored by hygienism ideology, the allocation of public spaces in front of the church (where it was played) and the dissemination carried out by immigrants (Italian), returnees students from abroad or internally (commonly Rio), and newspapers and radio. At the national and regional level, we draw the media path (from printed form to TV) as a means of seizure of fans as the host cities of communication groups - Rio and São Paulo - obtained an extensive territory under the control of their soccer associations. Thus, historically we raised as the largest contact Zona da Mata region with the Rio de Janeiro made it a region of Rio influence: paths and secular roads as well as penetration of radio stations and television made the people of Zona da Mata region fans of Cariocas teams. To reach this we use primary sources (newspapers, public archives, sites of the teams). In addition, the dispute between Juiz de Fora and Belo Horizonte to host the new capital of Minas Gerais (late nineteenth century), together with a further regional economic decline and late road connection (mid-XX) and economic in Belo Horizonte delayed influence of the state capital in Mata reflected only in recent decades. From all this panorama we size the urban bias through soccer. We analyze and map soccer clubs preferences in 142 municipalities in the Mata Mineira, which was girded by a NE-SW diagonal: east her area of Rio de Janeiro, and the western area of Belo Horizonte, and São Paulo to stand in the strife in both sides. Comparing the territories of the fans with the transmission of soccer matches by radio and by TV (affiliated with Globo TV) in the area which reinforce one or another metropolis. As an analytical path we use the notions of networks and urban networks. Finally we list the \"Soccer-bias\" with the \"Soccer-iconography\" in order to discuss the territorial identities of the region, which is commonly taxed in the literature to have little \"mineiridade\" the peculiar characteristics of the inhabitants of Minas Gerais state. We find truths but also exaggerations and omissions in the face of an alleged no / little Mata-Minas Gerais state binding. Through soccer we conclude that the Rio polarization is greater in S-SE of the Zona da Mata, while Belo Horizonte dominates the N-NW, confirming the initial hypothesis.

Diploma thesis "The Influence of Regional Media on Readers' Perception of Politics in Melnik" refers on a survey of accepting media framing of politicians, politics and important issues by regional media readers in the town of Melnik. Methods of framing and focus groups were used in the survey. First the methods were introduced. The method of framing was used for qualitative content analysis of five printed media from 2005 to 2007. The media were daily Melnicky denik, weekly Tydenik Melnicko, monthly Melnicka radnice, weekly Tep regionu and regional supplement of Mlada fronta Dnes for Central Bohemia. The author of this work focused on several most important issues of the 2005 to 2007 period and he observed how respondents accept or decline the framing of these problems offered by politics, journalists and other participants of Melnik political life. To do this he organised focus groups discussions with Melnik inhabitants in the age of 26 to 75 years of age. They discussed their opinions and beliefs on local politics. This work is a subjective insight into the world of regional media effects on readers, in this case focused on political issues.

The purpose of this study is to measure and examine whether terrorism continues to be highly feared and over-predicted, whether exposure to mass or news media influences perceptions of terrorism, whether mass media remains a significant source of information on terrorism related matters and whether people are prepared to act in the event of a terrorist attack. The respondents in this research consisted of a sample of 135 students aged 18 and over, at a participating mid-size university in a southern state, who completed a self-reported online survey on voluntary basis. The findings of the study suggests that the respondents access terrorism related news-media on both weekly and daily basis. Those with frequent access tend to overestimate the likelihood of a domestic terrorist attack and the threat posed by terrorism and tend to show higher levels of fear associated with terrorism. The majority of the respondents indicated average access of news-media of once or twice a week, or no use at all and they tend to not overestimate the likelihood of a terrorist attack, indicate some or no fear in relation to terrorism and tend to have more accurate perception of the current threat posed by terrorism.