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Following the Second World War, middle-class married women in English speaking Canada became for the first time a significant proportion of the labour force. Nonetheless, society still encouraged them to take up their domestic roles as housewives and mothers. They were subjected to discriminatory government policy, justified by traditional gender norms supported by academic research and popular social commentators. As a result, their lives became increasingly divorced from the prescriptions that encouraged them to remain at home. The differences meant that their work, and its associated challenges, went unrecognized. Drawing on a broad range of sources, this thesis explores how and why middle class women – especially married ones- entered the workforce, the public’s reactions to their work, and how they negotiated the difference between prescriptions and their lives. It demonstrates that the 1950s were a watershed moment for women’s labour. Married women gained greater recognition of their place in the workforce, and obtained incremental changes to minimize discriminatory policy, practice, and attitudes. Accordingly, their efforts were foundational for the future women’s labour movements and Second Wave Feminist movement in the 1960s and 1970s.

Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2009 / In order to understand the phenomenon of the rising black middle class, Bruger et aI., (2004:134) concluded in their study of the black middle class that, it was the asset deficit which was evident in the African population that accounts for the difference in the consumption behaviour of the' black middle class from their counterparts in other races. Asset deficit is described as the accumulation of luxury goods that include expensive automobiles and property. When the acquisition of such assets is gained through credit, as is the case with the credit worthy middle class, the individual debt of these individuals rises as the acquisition of such assets continue. The purpose of this study was to investigate the creation and sustainability of the black middle class that anchored in political stability encourages social contentment and economic development. The findings of this process offered an opportunity for the state, banks and corporate organisations to review its policy priorities in order to make savings, investment and 'special structure' support networks a priority when dealing with sustainability matters for the black middle class. It is therefore, important that the recommendations provided in the study will sustain the black middle class, which would maintain social peace by indicating economic progress that has only now, since democracy, been available to Africans through the expansion of the black middle class. The thesis explains the challenges, which this class faces in its sustainability that will foster a deeper appreciation of the most effective ways to alleviate poverty and to economically enfranchise Africans. These had been the original objectives behind the government's programmes and initiatives.

O discurso oficial sustenta que o modelo de desenvolvimento brasileiro da última década baseia-se no binômio investimento em infraestrutura e expansão do mercado de massa (DWECK, CHAVES e CHERNAVSKY, 2013). Por sua vez, a ampliação do mercado consumidor no país ocorreu a partir da incorporação de novos consumidores, base do processo difundido como o surgimento de uma suposta nova classe média. Essa chamada classe é, na realidade, um estrato de renda, definido a partir de limites financeiros superiores e inferiores estabelecidos arbitrariamente para criar uma imagem positiva do país, um movimento típico da ciência da ocultação, aquela que tenta encobrir os problemas históricos do subdesenvolvimento. Ao logo deste ensaio, demonstro as inconsistências na lógica interna que sustenta o conceito de nova classe média, rejeitando sua organização. Em seu lugar, proponho outro olhar teórico para o fenômeno, baseado nas categorias dialética do consumo, a partir de Álvaro Vieira Pinto (2008), e superexploração do trabalho, parte da Teoria Marxista da Dependência (TMD), conforme postulada por Ruy Mauro Marini (1991a). Esse procedimento permite analisar o aumento do consumo em sua articulação com as classes sociais, o trabalho e a produção, relações inseridas nas contradições do capitalismo dependente. Portanto, nesta Tese defendo o argumento de que a estratégia de expansão mercado de massa oculta, através do conceito de nova classe média, as contradições do capitalismo dependente e renova a superexploração do trabalho no consumo de não-consumidores. / Official discourse sustatins that the brazilian development model in the last decade is based on the binomial: investments in infrastructure and mass-market expansion. My point of departure in this Thesis is the growth of the consumer market originated in the incorporation of new consumers, the base of the process known as the emergence of the Brazilian new middle class. This so called class is, in fact, an income stratum, defined by superior and inferior financial limits arbitrarily established to create a positive image of the country, a typical movement of the occultation science, one that tries to uncover underdevelopment historical problems. Throughout this research, I demonstrate the inconsistencies in the internal logic that sustains the concept of new middle class, rejecting it. Instead, I propose another theoretical approach, based on the categories dialectics of consumption, by Álvaro Vieira Pinto (2008), and overexploitation of labor, by Ruy Mauro Marini (1991a). This procedure allows analyzing the increase in consumption in its articulation to the categories of social classes, labor and production, relations merged in the contradictions of the dependent capitalism. Eventually, I defend the following argument in this Thesis: the strategy that organizes the expansion of mass-market hides, behind the new middle class concept, the contradictions of the dependent capitalism and renews the non-consumers overexploitation of labor.

This thesis focuses on Nepalis living in Oslo and Ås, Norway, and ethnographically explores their food perceptions, habits and practices in relation to health and maternal health. With pre-existing experience of both biomedical and other understandings of health and wellbeing, the majority of my respondents could and did move between paradigms, on an individual basis deciding which to apply and when. Consequently, several demonstrated certain reasoned divergences from Norwegian state-endorsed dietary norms and expectations; differences that were, however, not simply reducible to ‘culture’. ‘Culture’ is shown here to be a favoured strategy of explanation within Norwegian public health research, which has dominated state health perceptions of all South Asians. Overall, four key arguments are advanced. Firstly, the need to disaggregate the category of ‘South Asian’, currently readily employed within public health research and policies worldwide to describe and problematise the foodways of highly diverse diaspora populations. The middle-class status of my Nepali respondents is delineated as a central example exposing the inaccuracy of such a homogenising generalisation. Secondly, that despite the hegemony of biomedical models of nutrition within health and ante-/postnatal wellbeing in Norway, my interlocutors moved between these and other ideas and practices of health and wellbeing. Describing their dietary habits and practices makes plain the narrowness of applying purely biomedically-predicated thinking to understanding these Nepalis’ foodways. Thirdly, that in ante-/postnatal care the biomedical model overprivileges the individual mother’s responsibility for her own health in order to benefit her child, ignoring the potential for alternative distributions of responsibility for, as well as emphasis on, both offspring and mother: the Nepalis I encountered showed a notable commitment to the mother’s wellbeing and also sense of pregnancy and postnatal care as a collective enterprise, relationally shaped. Fourthly, my Nepali respondents’ accounts provide a useful example demonstrating limitations to the perceived authority of Norwegian state advice on health in general. Well-informed and often highly educated, these Nepalis engaged only selectively with the state-endorsed guidance and services, instead drawing on other (re)sources – Nepali family and friends especially – to maintain health and wellbeing.

Este trabajo explora los ideales de cuerpo y comportamiento femenino presentes en mujeres adultas de nuestra «nueva clase media», que asisten a un gimnasio local o de barrio. Propone que los ideales  de cuerpo desarrollados por las alumnas están íntimamente relacionados con tradicionales nociones de roles de género de nuestra  sociedad; pero, a su vez, enfatiza el hecho de que ellas, además  de buscar alcanzar un cuerpo acorde a las expectativas sociales, también buscan interactuar y/o hacer amistad entre ellas, así como experimentar goce u otras emociones extraordinarias en la realización de la actividad aeróbica en sí, etcétera. De esta forma, el texto explora finalmente cómo el significado que estas mujeres otorgan a su vivencia en el gimnasio no solo no las acerca necesariamente al cuerpo ideal que calza con el estándar social de feminidad, sino que incluso su experiencia se convierte en una oportunidad para discutir  y reelaborar los modelos de feminidad en sí mismos y afirmar sus propias narrativas de identidad. / The purpose of this work is to explore the ideals of body and behavior among adult women of our new Peruvian middle class attending a gym. It suggests that the ideals of bodies developed in this place are in closely related to traditional notions of gender roles of our society. But, at the same time, emphasizes the fact that they, not only try to have a body in accordance to social expectation, but also to interact or make friends, and to experience a variety of emotions in performing aerobic activity itself. Finally, the paper explores the meaning that these women give to their experience at the gym. Not only does this experience get them closer to the ideal body, fixed by the social standards of femininity, but the experience turns into an opportunity to discuss and remake those models of femininity, and assert their own discourses of identity.

This paper presents the phenomenon of the private universities that have emerged in our country during the nineties. This increase of alternatives to access to higher education has generated a sense of significant progress in terms of social mobility opportunities for middle class youth. However, we point that this quantitative increase has caused rather a very strong professional market segmentation. That is, it has not reduced educational gaps / on the contrary, it has probably increased them. In search of items that hold this idea, we propose to develop a profile of the young people attending the Private University César Vallejo, based on a comparison of some aspects about supply and demand. / La investigación aborda el fenómeno de las universidades privadas surgidas en nuestro país durante la década de 1990. Este incremento de alternativas para acceder a la educación superior ha generado un sentido común de avance significativo en cuanto a las oportunidades de movilidad social para los jóvenes de clase media. Sin embargo, observamos que este incremento cuantitativo ha ocasionado más bien una segmentación muy marcada del mercado profesional. Es decir, no ha reducido las brechas educativas, sino que probablemente las ha incrementado. En la búsqueda de elementos que sostengan esta idea, proponemos elaborar un perfil de los jóvenes que acuden a la Universidad Privada César Vallejo, a partir de una comparación entre algunos aspectos de oferta y demanda.

Este trabalho visa testar a hipótese do desaparecimento da classe média brasileira. Ainda, procura-se estabelecer a distinção entre os conceitos de desigualdade e de polarização, tendo em vista serem conceitos muito próximos, e analisar a evolução de ambas as medidas entre 1987 e 2003 para o Brasil, traçando-se um paralelo com o Rio Grande do Sul. Para alcançar tais objetivos, utilizou-se ferramentas estáticas de mensuração, nas quais se destacam o coeficiente de Gini, para medir a desigualdade, e o índice de Wolfson, para medir a polarização. Os resultados apontam que a hipótese não é verdadeira. Pelo contrário, mostram que a classe média brasileira está aumentando. Por outro lado, evidenciam que a desigualdade brasileira permanece praticamente estável no período. Para a economia do RS os resultados apontam para a mesma direção, porém com os dois índices apresentando evolução mais significativa. / The objective of this dissertation is to analyse the hypothesis of a decreasing number of individuals in Brazil belonging to its middles classes. The work tackles a conceptual distinction between the notions of inequality and polarization, focusing on their measures for Rio Grande do Sul and Brazil (1987-2003). To reach such objectives, used static tools of measurement, which detach the coefficient of Gini, to measure the inaquality, and the index of Wolfson, to measure the polarization. The results point that the hypothesis is not true. For the opposite, they show that the Brazilian middle class is increasing. On the other hand, they evidence that the Brazilian inaquality practically remains steady in the period. In respect to the economy of the RS the results point to the same direction, however with the two indices presenting more significant evolution.

Orientador: Jorge Ruben Biton Tapia / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T11:35:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Buchala_LucianadeSant'Anna_M.pdf: 973286 bytes, checksum: 7afa091f0b1f9297eaf3b3b3239d7fbe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: A proposta do trabalho de pesquisa é avaliar as contribuições teóricas de Olin Wright, Bourdieu e Klaus Eder ao entendimento das classes sociais nas sociedades contemporâneas. De forma mais específica, foram estudadas as respostas dadas pelos referidos autores às dificuldades teóricas enfrentados pela teoria marxista em relação a: 1) a problemática da classe média e 2) a ligação entre classe e ação coletiva. Mostrou-se como as fronteiras de classe são fruto, em Wright, das operações analíticas do pesquisador, enquanto, em Bourdieu, emergem das práticas das classes. A noção de habitus de Bourdieu gera práticas e representações diferenciadas que funcionam como princípios de inclusão e exclusão e marcam as distâncias e afinidades, recortando, assim, as fronteiras entre as classes. Wright, por sua vez, mantém-se na apreensão da dimensão objetiva das relações de classe, definindo critérios teóricos a fim de especificar quem está fora e quem está dentro de determinada classe. No entanto, não é possível falar em fronteiras entre quaisquer grupos sociais sem considerar como essas fronteiras são simbolicamente construídas na realidade. Também foi analisado como Eder foi capaz de mostrar que os novos movimentos sociais estão ligados à classe média por refletirem aspectos da cultura dessa classe, e não por veicularem seus interesses materiais. Nesse sentido, o autor substitui a consciência de classe pela cultura como elo entre classe e ação coletiva, o que permite superar algumas dificuldades que a noção de consciência de classe colocava. Por exemplo, a dificuldade de se afirmar o condicionamento desses movimentos por determinada classe quando as reivindicações dos movimentos sociais não são veiculadas em termos classistas. Outra dificuldade era a exigência de uma atitude reflexiva a respeito da posição ocupada na estrutura social e dos interesses ¿fundamentais¿ correspondentes / Abstract: The proposal of this research is to evaluate the theoretical contributions of Olin Wright, Bourdieu and Klaus Eder to the understanding of the social classes in contemporary societies. Specifically, it studies the authors¿ answers to the difficulties found in Marxist theory related to: 1) the middle classes and 2) the link between class and collective action. It reveals how the class borders are the result, in Wright¿s thought, of the analytical operations of the researcher, while, in Bourdieu¿s thought, they emerge from the class practices. The notion of habitus proposed by Bourdieu generates practices and representations that function as principles of inclusion and exclusion and thus they mark the distances and affinities that trace the class borders. Wright, in turn, remains itself in the apprehension of the objective dimension of class relations and defines theoretical criteria in order to specify who are inside and who are outside of a social class. However, it is not possible to speak in borders between any social groups without considering how these borders are symbolically constructed in reality. It also analyzes how Eder was capable to show that the new social movements are linked to the middle classes because they reflect aspects of the culture of this class, and not because they propagate its material interests. In this sense, the author substitutes the class conscience by the culture as the link between social classes and collective action. This allows to solve some difficulties placed by the notion of class conscience. For example, the difficulty of recognizing the class conditioning of social movements when their claims are not propagated in class terms. Another difficulty was the requirement of a reflexive attitude regarding the position in the social structure and the corresponding interests / Mestrado / Mestre em Economia

A pesquisa partiu da seguinte pergunta: quais as repercussões sobre a situação escolar das crianças das camadas populares do aumento das camadas médias na escola pública? Para respondê-la realizamos um estudo etnográfico em uma escola do município de Ribeirão Preto na qual esse fenômeno estava presente. Foram realizadas observações em sala de aula e em outros espaços da escola, além de entrevistas com diretores, orientadores, professores, pais e alunos. Os resultados da pesquisa de campo foram surpreendentes, pois revelaram que a relação entre usuários de camadas médias e a escola pública é muito mais complexa do que supúnhamos. Levadas por dificuldades econômicas, algumas famílias das camadas médias transferem os filhos da rede particular para a pública. Numa tentativa de pôr a escola pública em moldes que não afetem o seu prestígio, alguns pais participam da APM e do Conselho de Escola. Imersos no preconceito social contra os pobres, desejam excluir alunos pobres vistos como mais ameaçadores. Mas a equipe dirigente e o corpo docente não permitem, utilizando a defesa de tais alunos como forma de se contrapor aos pais na disputa pelo poder que se instala. Diante desta resistência, os pais deixam de participar de tais órgãos, mas procuram exercer pressão direta no fazer dos professores. As crianças, imersas neste universo de conflito e preconceito, reproduzem a discriminação na relação com os colegas. / The research has arisen from the following question: \"what are the repercussions on lower class children due to the increase of middle class students in public schools?\" In order to answer that question, we have carried out an ethnological study in a school in the city of Ribeirão Preto where this phenomena was evident. Not only observations (inside the classroom and in other areas in the school) were made, but also interviews with directors, advisers, teachers, parents and pupils. The results of the field research were stunning since they show that the relation between students from the middle class and the public school is much more complex than we would imagine. Due to economic problems, some families, which belong to the middle class, transfer their children from private schools to public ones. Some parents end up joining an APM (an association of parents and teachers) and the School Council so that they can \"control\" the public school in such a way that it does not affect their prestige. As parents are immersed in social prejudice against the poor, they want to exclude poor students once they are seen as the most threatening ones. However, the directors and the teaching faculty do not allow that to happen - they defend poor students as a way of opposing to parents in the fight for power. Having to face this opposition, parents normally give up taking part of school groups but, on the other hand, they put pressure on what teachers are doing. The children, immersed in this universe of conflict and prejudice, propagate discrimination in the relation with their colleagues.