Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Zululand, 2002. / The main focus of the study will be based on strike action. Strikes cannot exist without conflict. This reflects that "strike action" and "conflict" are two related concepts. Labour disruptions have been the single most important contributing factor to the record low production figures in the mining industry in the last five years. Prior to the 1994 elections, most strikes were politically inspired and therefore little attention was paid to the needs of the workers. However, management have since realised the importance of seeing to the needs of the workers. A worker who is satisfied with the job and working conditions is less likely to strike than one who is not satisfied. The importance of labour and specifically labour relations has been realised. Labour relations cannot be regarded in isolation. There are a number of external factors which influence labour relations and have to be brought into consideration when reviewing the labour relations climate. The study device certain general guidelines for management to follow when handling strike situations. Amongst the more important findings was the fact that there must be a greater awareness of worker needs, values and objectives. The best way to handle strikes is to prevent them from occurring in the first place. To do this management need to proactively investigate and manage the grievances of the workers. The diversity of cultures in the mining industry contributes to labour unrest in various ways. Workers become frustrated by what some groups consider as the norm. Furthermore, in chapter five research methodology. The questionnaires was distributed to respondents in Spitzkop coal mining industry. Stratified sampling technique was also applied in this research to minimize loss of data from respondents and economize in terms of spending money. This method only uses the readily available respondents (stratum form). In data analysis frequency and chi-square statistics was used to demonstrate management and worker responses and attitudes to the strike. Management need to have a formalised strike plan, which would contribute towards more efficient handling of strikes. Management should be proactive in their approach to strikes, rather than reactive. Part of this proactive process by management is the constant monitoring of working conditions to see what further types of improvements can be introduces to minimize adverse effects of strike. There should be good communication between management and workers at all times. Open communication is strengthened by worker involvement in decision-making.

M.Phil. (Industrial Psychology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The basic structures of collective bargaining in South Africa have evolved since industrialisation, through the Wiehahn-Commission era until the Farlam one and beyond, resulting in a number of legislative changes from 1924 to 2014. While dealing with collective bargaining, it is not possible to divorce the powerful history of mining from the South African story, from the diamond fields in Kimberley to the discovery of gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886, where the mine employees’ focused on cheap, unskilled labour and migrant system in the 1900s to the tragic events at Marikana in 2012. In the advent of the industry revolution, employment relationships changed as competitive demands placed a great need for advancing economic developments which are often expressed through collective-bargaining. The objective of collective bargaining is to arrive at an agreement between the employer and employees to determine mutually beneficial terms and conditions of employment such agreement may prohibit unions to embark on an industrial action for as long as it is in place. Strikes became important during the Industrial Revolution, when many worked in factories and mines. Often when employees’ demands are not met, they resort to strike action. Strike action is when a number of employees stop rendering their service in protest to express their grievances. These strikes are usually led by labour unions to get better pay, working hours or working conditions during collective bargaining as a last resort. While trade union leadership fails to advance employees’ cause, employees resort to informal alternative structures to negotiate on their behalf. South Africans have a tradition of taking to the streets in protest when unhappy about issues and this tradition did not spring up during the apartheid era but has been around from as early as 1922 to date. Protests in South Africa today draw from past repertoires and at the same time push for new political practices and directions. Strikes are often used to: Pressure governments to change its policies like in the Rand Revolt; Strikes can destabilise the rule of a particular political party like a series of strikes by blacks in the 1970s and 1980s including the 1973 Durban dockworkers and the 1987 miners’ strikes; Strikes are often part of a broader social movement taking the form of a campaign of civil resistance like Treatment Action Campaign and community struggles such Abahlali Base Mjondolo. On the strike issues in South Africa, the researcher draws from the terrible incident that transpired in August 2012 at Lonmin Mine-Marikana and how it has affected the collective bargaining landscape in South Africa. The first real and significant labour unrest, the Witwatersrand miner strike rocked South Africa to the core in 1922 and in 2012, ninety years later the violent strike by the Rock Operational Drillers at Lonmin following the Marikana massacre and as such did not enjoy statutory protection under the LRA because was classified as wildcat strike. Normally, a wildcat strike constitutes a violation of a collective bargaining agreement in place and as such is not protected unless a union joins it and ratifies the protest. The union may, however, discipline its members for participating in a wildcat strike and impose fines. Among other things miners mainly demanded a wage increment of R12500 per month. The fight between AMCU and NUM for organisational rights also found its way into the equation. A strike wave, not only linked to the mining sector, made 2012 the most protest filled year since the end of apartheid, rolled out across South Africa, closing some industrial operations and crippling others. Commentators argue that the strike wave emerged from a landscape of extreme inequality and poverty, made intolerable by the additional financial burdens arising from the migrant labour system. These factors influenced the industrial action and institutions of collective bargaining comprising of both company and union structures and processes, were found wanting in their ability to address the root causes of the crisis. The post-Marikana strike wave made a mark in the workers struggle movement as it drew in thousands of workers to join AMCU and at the same time weakening NUM, the then majority union. The strike led to the rise and growth of AMCU which was seen by miners as the driver for change. The 2012 strike wave and the Marikana massacre not only changed the balance of forces on the ground against the NUM, but also generated divisions within COSATU. The divisions were between those who decided to remain deaf to the workers’ call for transformation and those who had already realised that a decisive turn in economic policy was needed to avoid a social, economic and political crisis. In the aftermath of the strike, a number community struggles increased as 2012 began and on the other side, a number of splinter groups from COSATU mushroomed which was hobbled by in fights. NUM’s collapse is indeed part of a series of recent failures for COSATU.

A research report presented to the Department of Social Work School of Human and Community Development, Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, July 2017 / Women have previously been discouraged from pursuing careers in the mining industry given the nature of the work in the field and the physical strength needed to do the work. However, literature has reported an increase in the number of women penetrating the field in recent years (Benya, 2009; Singer, 2002). New legislative frameworks in South Africa, such as the Mining Charter of 2002 (amended 2010) and the Mineral Petroleum Resources Development Act have made provisions for females to be absorbed into the field of mining, but this has not gone without challenges. This study thus sought to gain in-depth understanding of the experiences of underground female mine workers and demystify gender barriers that affect the functioning of women within the mining sector. The study was qualitative in nature and adopted a case study design to richly understand the phenomenon. The study used semi-structured interviews to collect data. Ten participants and two key informants were selected using purposive sampling technique. Data collected from participants was analysed using thematic analysis, in conjunction with the literature reviewed. The study addressed the social and human needs of female mine workers. It was found that, the mining industry has not been progressive in adequately addressing the unique needs of women who work underground. The study was essential in unravelling the experiences of female mine workers and thus made recommendations that can be used to introduce workplace appropriate interventions to be implemented to ensure that underground women mine workers are well accommodated within the industry. / XL2018

Thesis (M.M. (Public and Development Management))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Wits School of Governance, 2016. / The political and constitutional changes in South Africa brought about fundamental features through the transformation agenda in the public service. Of primary importance is that the South African political transformation processes have been characterised by a culture of transparency, participation and accountability. These values are in direct contrast to what presently obtains in the Department of Health’s exmineworker compensation system. Within this context it emerged as a concern that that the system of governance that managed the compensation system was not responsive to the needs of ex-mineworkers. Ex-mineworkers experienced serious delays in time before accessing government compensation. There were claimants that were deceased whilst awaiting an outcome of their applications for compensation. The enormity and complexity of the system was underestimated by government departments. Legal firms and related professionals handling the cases of ex-mineworkers earned more than £1.3-billion in fees for taking up the cases of claimants. The costs of administration in the handling of claims surpassed the actual amounts paid out to claimants eventually. At the centre of the civil service management in South Africa, was the Department of Public Service and Administration. It was here that policies on governance were developed. The Department of Public Service and Administration was responsible for the establishment of norms and standards for the entire Public Service. Under the auspices of this centralised function, service delivery mechanisms were ensured, there was access to integrated systems, the framework for human resources management was developed, and in the development of policies focus was given to the needs of the citizens. ii The purpose of this study was to explore reasons for the low compensation uptake, and to examine systems and inform changes that would allow exmineworkers in the Eastern Cape, Oliver Tambo District to better manage their access to government compensation. The mining industry plays a significant role in the South African economy long after the discovery of gold in 1886. With little evidence of policy and legislative reform, and after 22 years into South Africa’s democracy, the scourge of failing respiratory health amongst ex-mineworkers has not decreased. miners face an epidemic of occupational lung disease. The challenge of tracking and tracing ex-miners to capacitate them on their rights and benefits of compensation, owed and owing to them, forms the basis of this study. The governance of the system of compensation for ex-miners is not bringing the large numbers closer to easy access. Whilst the challenges may well be present, this study is intended to raise awareness of the problem, investigate the cause/s and offer recommendations that will provide relief to a population in South Africa that could be seemingly lost if not told of what benefits are available to themselves (if alive) and nominated beneficiaries (in the case of those who are deceased). This study was concerned with gaining a better understanding of why exmineworkers in the OR Tambo District of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa were not accessing their compensation benefits, rather than to measure certain outputs and outcomes. It was primarily interested in gaining an in-depth understanding of how information is being disseminated and how it is being influenced by different variables. A qualitative approach was chosen in order to portray the detailed understanding and specific dynamics experienced by ex-mineworkers in accessing compensation benefits from the Department of Health. iii The importance of good governance in improving service delivery was explained and spoke to what constituted good governance, the importance of proper planning during periods of transition and why governance should be a continuous activity as well as the importance of planning in public institutions. In this study, the need for good governance to improve service delivery, were identified, with specific reference to those aspects of good governance that could better equip the ex-mineworkers in the Eastern Cape to better understand the compensation and in so doing would guide the research process. / GR2018

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Social Science and Humanities of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Sociology), 2016 / This research contributes to an understanding of how female mineworkers make sense of themselves and how gender identities are constructed in mining. Mine work has for a long time been seen as allowing for particular masculine self-formations and mineworkers embodying specific mining masculine subjectivities. The entrance of women in South African mines from 2004 and their allocation into occupations that were previously exclusively reserved for men is a significant challenge and a disruption to masculine subjectivities and the occupational culture. This thesis illustrates what transpires when socially constructed gender boundaries are crossed. This is what the women are doing with their entry into underground mining. For ten and a half months, between 2011 and 2012 I worked in the mines and lived with mineworkers. During this period I completely submerged myself into the life world of mine workers to get an in-depth understanding of the ways female mineworkers understand themselves and navigate the masculine mining world. I managed to get the subtle, nuanced, instantaneous and unnoticeable ways which produce and reproduce the fluid and contested gender identities. Drawing on insights from a range of feminist theorists and feminist readings of theories I argue that the construction of gendered identities in mining is an ongoing embodied performative process which is articulated in fluid ways in different mining spaces within certain structural, relational and historical constraints. The thesis presents a typology outlining four categories of femininities; mafazi, money makers, real mafazi and madoda straight, that are performed and produced underground by women mineworkers. At home these performances are unstable and disrupted as women attempt to reconcile their role as mothers, wives and their workplace 2 identities as underground miners with their notions of femininity. This necessitates a renegotiation of gender ideologies, performances and identities. In this thesis I succinctly present the fluid, multiple, contradictory and contested processes involved in constructing gendered identities; above ground, underground, and at home. Drawing from this evidence I conclude that women do not approach the workplace or labour process as empty vessels or act as cogs-in the mining machines but are active agents in the construction of their gender identities. The key elements I use to analyse gendered identities are; gendered spaces, embodiment, social and material bodies (as sites of control, resistance and agency) and performativity. I argue that all of these converge and are central to the construction of gendered identities. Key Words: Women in mining, gendered identities, subjectivities, femininities, masculinities, gender performances, embodiment, gendered spaces, gender transformation. / GR2017

Submitted in fulfilment of the Degree of Master of Arts (Fine Arts) Johannesburg, March 2017 / This dissertation uses David Goldblatt’s seminal photobook, On the Mines (1973, revised 2012) to mediate a biographical conversation with Raymond Zavala, a migrant mineworker who left Mozambique in 1962 to live and work in Johannesburg. On the Mines was used as a vehicle to examine intimate details of one man’s life in the mines, focusing particularly on a mine in Roodepoort known as Durban Deep, where Raymond worked for 38 years. During my visits with Raymond, On the Mines was kept in hand as he and I walked through what once was a prosperous mining town. We would discuss his day-to-day life as a migrant, mineworker, husband and father, and began layering and inserting our own stories and photographs over and into On the Mines in an attempt to portray a more personal account of one person’s life on the mines. Goldblatt’s photographic archive is crucial to this process in that it enabled me to initiate conversations with Raymond about his personal history, memory and identity. This research, encompassed in the visual biography presented here, was created in collaboration with Raymond. He guided me through this process by directing the narrative of his own story, recommending specific landscapes and people for me to meet and photograph.  I have chosen to present this practice in the form of a photobook, so that its concept and content can be shared as a critical resolution of my visual and narrative engagement. / XL2018

Bibliography: pages 368-396. / This thesis examines how Lesotho came to depend on the export of its men to South African mines; what the experiences of these men were; and how all this impacted on Basotho society during the years between c.1890 and 1940. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the context and dynamics of labour migration and recruitment in Lesotho during the late 1880s to the late 1930s. This Part lays the basis for subsequent sections by showing which sections of Basotho opted for labour migrancy; and why it was men and not women who, initially at least, became migrants. In discussing the decline of the Basotho economy in the 1920s and 1930s, this section also shows how this was characterised not only by dependence on migrants' earnings, but also by the orientation to and concentration of Basotho labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines. Part II discusses various themes relating to life and conditions on the mines and in the compounds during the period up to c.1940. While specific note is taken of the African miners' death and accident rate, most attention is devoted to the various ways which Basotho miners developed for dealing with the sickness, death and destitution befalling their compatriots in the compounds and on the mines. Conversion to Christianity was an important part of some miners experience, as church forums and the bible could be used for recreational purposes, while literacy classes imparted many with essential skills which could lead to promotion on the mine. But competition for promotion and favours, as well as conflicting survival strategies, often resulted in violent conflict among African miners. Although some scholars have mistakenly attributed such conflict to ethnic factors alone, this thesis argues for an approach which is simultaneously historically and materially grounded. Part III, by using the case of infectious and occupational diseases, and prostitution and commercial beer-brewing, traces and analyses the impact of the migrant labour system on Lesotho. The thesis shows how the spread to Lesotho of such diseases as syphilis and tuberculosis was directly linked to contact with South African towns and mining centres through wage labour. Beer canteens and brothels emerged and flourished in colonial Lesotho not only because of the decline of the country's economy and the breakdown of Basotho social structures, but also because these establishments serviced the migrant labour traffic itself. The significance of this study lies in two areas. Historiographically, this study seeks to contribute to migrant labour studies in Lesotho in particular and Southern Africa in general. Its approach stands between economism which attributes the causes of labour migrancy solely to economic factors, and those paradigms which privilege ideas and culture over material factors. There is a dialectical interplay between material factors and ideas, although the former ultimately determines the latter. Secondly, the significance of this study lies in the fact that many of the issues raised, especially those in Part III, continue to pose serious problems for Basotho people and their government to this day. Knowing something about the origins and history of these problems may contribute to finding lasting solutions. This study, therefore, is about Lesotho, Basotho, and the mines.

Thesis (M. Dev.) -- University of Limpopo, 1999 / Refer to document

The aim of the thesis is to identify the pressures that contributed to the rise in international labour migration in Lesotho, and to investigate how these pressures are impacting upon the modernization process in the country, particularly at a time when employment opportunities are scarce in the southern African region. International labour migration has been used as a development tool throughout history, but especially in the 20th century by developing countries with dual labour markets. Newly independent developing countries with dual labour markets adapted the strategy of import substitution industrialization (lSI), with an emphasis on protecting infant industries and promoting pro-labour policies. In the post-colonial period the international demand for lowskilled workers rose, particularly in the North (developed countries), and in mineral rich countries including the oil exporters and South Africa, and the newly industrialising countries in East Asia. International labour migration to these countries was adapted as an integral development tool by the governments of the lSI countries. Most migrants were low-skilled and temporary workers in the destination countries. Although no multilateral institutional framework existed, usually both the sending and receiving countries adapted unilateral and bilateral migration policies to guarantee the gains from migration. Workers were thus "protected" to varying degrees under such agreements. From the 1970s, the North experienced a slowdown in the growth in demand for unskilled workers. In the 1980s, many lSI countries experienced devastating economic crises that forced them to abandon the lSI policy and adapt the export-led industrialisation (EOI) policy with an emphasis on trade liberalization. The switch from lSI to EOI in developing countries with dual labour markets led to the downsizing of public sector employment, the removal of marketing boards formally used by small-scale agricultural farmers, and the expansion of export processing zones (EPZs). These outcomes resulted in a rise in push internal migration, and international migration from these countries especially to other developing countries. At the same time, since the late 1980s, capital has acquired greatly enhanced mobility at the global level. The adaptation of EOI and the full mobility of capital at the global level altered the institutional structure within which labour migration was governed both nationally, and internationally. At the national level stricter unilateral policies were reinforced by receiving countries for low-skilled labour, while less strict policies applied for skilled labour. These remain in operation in conjunction with the earlier bilateral agreements. At the international level, there remains a lack of policy to regulate international labour migration. Under the current enhanced mobility of capital, international migrants are thus left vulnerable. Lesotho fits this pattern. Faced with a dual economy and an abundance of semi-skilled labour, Lesotho has been a principal supplier of labour to the South Africa's mining industry since its independence. Lesotho's industrial diversification thus mirrors South Africa's industrial diversification. In the lSI phase (1968 - 1987), international labour migration became the most important tool of economic welfare generation in Lesotho. Bilateral agreements were signed in the early 1970s between Lesotho and South Africa to guarantee the gains from migration. Since the late I980s, the mining industry in South Africa began to downsize production and employment. Fewer novice miners from Lesotho were recruited to work in South Africa. The adaptation of the EOI policy in Lesotho in 1987 introduced EPZ industrialization and trade liberalization. Nevertheless, the retrenchment of mine workers from South Africa is occurring at a time when Lesotho is experiencing an employment crisis. The political independence of South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by stricter international migration policies by the new democratic government of South Africa. Most migrant workers in South Africa are thus now faced with a two-door policy (of the earlier bilateral agreements and the amendments to the Aliens Control Act). This system has left migrant workers vulnerable to exploitation by both employers and the law (police) in South Africa. Nevertheless, international migration from Lesotho to South Africa continues to expand, particularly of the new type of migration - semiskilled female workers in the services sector. At the same time, South Africa is also experiencing an employment crisis. The most important policy implications are, firstly, that migration is subject to the same "casualisation" as other work, with the effects made worse by the "statelessness" of migrants, who are most vulnerable to exploitation. Secondly, multilateralism is needed (e.g., SADC) and holistic, multilateral policies are required. It is clear that under the new global division of labour ad hoc policy towards international labour migration is ineffective.