Since the initialization of economic reforms in 1978, China has undergone significant urbanization and modernization at an increasingly rapid pace, with the national urbanization rate increasing from 17.9% in 1978 to 57.4% in 2016. An increasingly significant portion of China’s population is integrating itself into thriving urbanized areas. Though amounting to only 8.5% of the nation’s total population (1.5 billion), China’s ethnic minority population remains considerable in number. In the future, by adopting the National New-Type Urbanization Plan in 2014, China’s urbanization is expected to evolve into a more human-oriented process, as the plan ambitiously aims to increase the urban population by another 200 million, most of which will consist of Chinese ethnic minorities. It is hoped that this increase will boost the urbanization rate among Chinese ethnic minorities. The gaps within existing literature and the practicality of improving the inclusivity of the urban minority population in the urbanization process legitimize the development of a comprehensive and retrospective study of the evolution of spatial-temporal dynamics of the distribution of Chinese ethnic groups with a Chinese urbanization perspective on a national scale. Based on national census data from 1990, 2000, and 2010, this study adopts the Standard Deviational Ellipse as a distributional trend measurement of minorities in urban China and determines four major new features of the distribution of the Chinese ethnic minorities over the last twenty-years in China’s urbanization context. First, a three-stage peripheral-to-core transition pattern was observed. Second, it is observed that there is an escalating decline of the urban minority population in the central region of China, particularly since 2000. Third, national-level city agglomerations located in the eastern region of China have begun to play leading roles in minority urbanization, particularly those located in the Yangtze and Pearl River Delta. Fourth, in both China’s west region and its autonomous areas, as continuous beneficiaries of supportive policies, metropolises, such as provincial capitals, have been shaped into important regional minority population concentrations. This study also allows for a better insight of Chinese urbanization processes and their inter/intra-relating mechanisms in ethnic minority areas. Finally, this study’s findings provide insightful and detailed information for scholars, policy and, ultimately, decisionmakers, to improve the process for sustainable and inclusive urbanization in China.

In North America, race and racialization can be seen as products of domination that are (re)produced and perpetuated through the mechanisms of racial interpellation. This concept refers to the fact that identity and subjectivity are imposed on racialized subjects through institutions and practices such as racial profiling. In this sense, literature on race, racialization, and resistance in North America reveals that racial profiling is a key issue in the region even if a façade of post-racialism trumps the existence of ongoing injustices, inequalities, and limitations of freedom faced by racialized minorities. In this respect, this research emphasizes that language, representations and practices are at the core of this issue as components of dynamics of racial interpellation. This research also acknowledges the existence of endless struggles for respect among racialized minorities, specifically Arabs and Muslims in North America. These struggles seek to allow racialized subjects to be seen as members of a society in which race and differences are not the underlying concern. Since humour (satire) has historically been recognized as a tool of disruption of dominant discourses, in this research we ask: how do comedians issued from racialized minorities face these struggles? With ongoing atrocities faced by racialized minorities, in this paper, I seek to reflect on how the intersection of race and comedy can be used to negotiate (accept, tolerate, and resist) the reproduction of racialized subjects. I focus on the way political satire faces Althusserian ideological interpellation (later translated to racial interpellation by Frantz Fanon). Can the latter be resisted or challenged through humour? This thesis argues that when race and comedy intersect it allows comedians to voice challenges often faced by racialized communities in order to resist an existing reality and create new meanings. As Frantz Fanon once mentioned: “Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it”. Is the fight against racialization part of the mission that popular comedians of minority communities have given to themselves?

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

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Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS) / The protection of sexual minorities’ civil rights and freedoms is paramount in a democratic state considering that these rights are infringed upon on a daily basis through violent crimes such as corrective rape, murder and physical assault. This study intends to establish whether sexual minorities’ democratic rights are being protected and whether political parties are facilitating this process, and if not, why not? In addition, this study will address the question: what is the role of political parties’ in a democratic state, and how do these roles enable the protection of civil rights, inclusivity, and equality? To answer these questions, I will engage in critical discourse analysis of key documents and speeches from the three largest political parties in South Africa: the African National Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA), and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).

We all contain multitudes of identifiable characteristics, which contribute to our ever-evolving individual and collective identities. These identities function in a variety of ways to reflect and shape our beliefs, actions, sense of self, and relationships to others. Yet, given the plethora of unique and fluid identities within each of us, it is to be expected that not all of them will fit harmoniously together. Sometimes multiple identities are determined--either by oneself or by broader social influences--to be at odds. An example of this dissonance, and the focus of this dissertation, is individuals who identify as both gay and Republican. The American political landscape seems to grow more inhospitable with each passing year, as the two dominant parties work to promote a politics of polarization. This is not surprising since Democrats and Republicans have much to lose by compromising on issues, as compromise requires concessions and would demonstrate moderation, thereby opening the door for other political actors to pull some power from the left and right. Thus, the parties push away from one another, dividing citizens along clear party lines. One current divisive issue is LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) equality, which has garnered significant support from the Democratic Party and considerable opposition from the Republican Party. This is not to say that all Democrats or all Republicans agree with their respective party's position, but the fact remains that at this point in American political history, a clear divide is depicted between the dominant political parties on issues regarding sexual minorities. Nevertheless, some LGBTQ individuals--particularly gay men--continue to identify with the Republican Party, despite its vocal opposition to their sexual identity. These gay Republicans offer a compelling glimpse into an American political system in which compromise is rarely achieved at the party level but is expected of anyone who seeks membership in those parties. That is, individuals who identify with a political party are assumed to accept the entirety of that party's platform, even if that means compromising on some issues. Of course, this creates tension for gay Republicans, who experience marginalization from both communities on the basis of their identification with the other. To better understand the gay Republican experience, this qualitative study draws on in-depth interviews with nine such individuals. Through a process of interpretive analysis, interviews were transcribed and coded to reveal key themes related to political identity, sexual identity, and the ways in which these identities exist congruently. Participants are revealed to harbor a diverse array of perspectives and experiences, thereby collectively challenging the popular notion that one cannot identify as both gay and Republican at this time--2014 to 2015--in American history. Findings are explored with respect to the theoretical concepts of virtual insider status and agonistic pluralism, and hold implications for the ways in which all individuals experience and negotiate identities. Specifically, because of their firsthand experience attempting to pass as virtual insiders within a political party that opposes their equality, most participants have adopted an agonistic, rather than antagonistic, approach to politics. Moreover, they resist popular notions that sexual orientation--or any single identity trait--is a solid base on which to build one's political identity. Ultimately, gay Republicans are shown to be uniquely situated as poster children for participation within an American political sphere based on concession, in which all citizens seem to be working against their interests in one way or another. / A Dissertation submitted to the School of Communication in partial fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy. / Spring Semester, 2015. / April 10, 2015. / Gay, Identity, LGBTQ, Politics, Republican / Includes bibliographical references. / Donna M. Nudd, Professor Directing Dissertation; Joseph Hellweg, University Representative; Jennifer M. Proffitt, Committee Member; Stephen McDowell, Committee Member.

The purpose of the quantitative study was to determine if there was a significant difference in the academic performance of students at the elementary level who loop compared to those who do not. This study also assessed if there was a significant difference in academic achievement among subgroups in students who loop compared to those who do not. A quantitative, ex post-facto, comparative design was used to analyze data to determine if there is a signficiant relationship between looping and academic achievement for elementary students. The scores of students enrolled in two looping classrooms at two schools were compared to those of two nonlooping classrooms at two schools. The data that were analyzed included students’ reading scores on the Developmental Reading Assessment (DRA), math benchmark scores, and a district writing assessment. The results of the quantitative study revealed that students who participated in looped classrooms scored significantly higher on the math benchmark than students who participated in nonlooped classrooms. However, there was no significant difference in reading or writing benchmark scores between students who participate in looped classrooms compared to students who participated in nonlooped classrooms. The results also revealed that there was a significant difference in writing scores between males and females in nonlooped classrooms, with females scoring significantly higher than males. However, there was no significant difference in writing scores between males and females in looped classrooms. In addition, no significant difference was found between males and females in looped and nonlooped classrooms in either reading or math scores. Finally, there was a significant difference in math scores between minority and nonminority students in nonlooped classrooms, with nonminority students scoring significantly higher than minority students. However, there was no significant difference in math scores between minority and nonminority students in looped classrooms. In addition, no significant difference was found between minority and nonminority students in looped and nonlooped classrooms in either reading or writing scores.

Although Canada is a bilingual country, official language minority community patients struggle to access quality care in their language. This reality has been of concern for Francophone minority communities in Ontario, but has seldom been examined in a nursing context. This research sought to examine the lived experiences of registered nurses and nursing students providing care to French-speaking patients in Ontario, as well as the realities of Francophone patients seeking French language health care services in Ontario. The conceptual frameworks guiding the study were the “Four Levels of Change for Improving Quality” model and the “Four-Level Model of the Health Care System.” Using qualitative phenomenological inquiry, as influenced by Martin Heidegger and Max van Manen, 31 semi-structured interviews were conducted with three subsets (n=10 Francophone patients; n=10 nursing students; n=11 registered nurses) throughout Ontario who had experience with the phenomenon being investigated. Data collection took place over a year (2018-2019) and was analysed thematically. Significant findings were identified across the three groups. Participants revealed the patchwork of individual actions taking place to remedy the existing gaps regarding care for Francophone minority populations. This included navigating a health care system where good enough care was the unfortunate standard for Francophone patients, and discussing how Francophone patients and nursing care providers implement strategies individually to manage the lack of resources for Francophone patient populations in Ontario. This thesis asserts that official language minority communities and their nursing care providers remain faced with difficulties providing and receiving care in Ontario. While numerous structures and resources exist to remediate the problems, these interventions and resources are not always implemented systemically, leading to a disproportionate burden on individuals, significant risks for safety for patient populations, and ethical dilemmas for nursing care providers. Recommendations are provided to bridge the gaps and ensure considerations of the needs of linguistic minorities throughout the health care system.

The focus of this study was to examine ethnic identity and coping style as potential factors in the development of Post-Traumatic Stress symptoms. This study obtained information from 381 undergraduate students at various universities and examined these variables using three instruments: the Brief COPE (Carver, 1997), the PTSD Checklist-Civilian Version (Weathers, Litz, Herman, Huska, & Keane, 1993), and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992). Correlation and multiple regression analyses were used to examine the relationships among these variables. Multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVA) were used to examine differences in ethnic identity, coping style, and Post-Traumatic Stress symptoms between and among the racial groups of the sample. The relevant peer-reviewed literature as well as limitations to this study and future directions for research were discussed.

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