Part of Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1937. / Lithoprinted. "Private edition, distributed by the University of Chicago libraries, Chicago, Illinois."

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Greifswald.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, 1960. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 426-443).

No description available.

Writing the history of sexuality in the United States is a notoriously slippery task. For years, scholars ignored the history of American sexuality, abiding by the assumption that sex belongs in the bedroom, the private realm, and thus has no bearing on the high politics and economics that used to dominate American historiography. Interracial sexuality occupied a particular historical silence in a nation whose Supreme Court would not strike down all laws against interracial marriage until 1967. In his 1995 presidential address to the Organization of American Historians, Gary Nash declared that of race-mixing and mixed-race people in America to be a "hidden history." Since the late 1990s, however, dozens of monographs and anthologies have appeared exploring sexuality in colonial and early America. Despite the best intentions of colonial authorities to establish order and social hierarchy in the New World, both environment and human nature militated against the observance of ironclad sexual regulations and racial boundaries. Reinforcing this new American sexual history has been a sophisticated historiography on legislation against interracial marriage. These works recognize the public nature of marriage as a means of ordering society, defining citizenship, and even constructing racial and gender difference. While the physical act of race mixing has occurred throughout American history, the settings in which this mixing acquired meaning - positive and negative - have necessarily been linked to imperatives of social control and the maintenance of that control. Yet scholars of interracial marriage assert that antimiscegenation laws were not historical absolutes but contingent, contested, shifting measures across time and space subject to debate and contravention. The twin revelations that interracial sex was both privately common and publicly important do not yet tell us how the civil and political associations that operated as intermediaries between individuals and the state dealt with it. And in the case of associations that sought emancipation and civil rights for African-Americans, we still lack a thorough understanding of how they grappled with the strong prejudice against interracial marriage and mixed-race people as they agitated for black inclusion in society and the polity on equal terms. This study contributes to that understanding by taking a broad view of both the African-American civil rights struggle and the paradoxical history of interracial marriage in the United States between 1833 and 2000. It divides that one hundred sixty-seven-year span into five periods of struggle (with occasional overlap) and focuses on those organizations that were in the vanguard of protest at the time: the American Anti-Slavery Society (1833-1870), the African Methodist Episcopal Church (1865-1910), the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (1909-1967), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (1960-1972), and the Multiracial Movement (1975-2000). Each of the civil rights organizations under study here possessed a historically-informed understanding of the role antimiscegenation laws played in establishing and maintaining racial hierarchy. This historical awareness created an internal logic, or "organic intellect," that shaped the attitudes these organizations adopted to interracial sex, marriage, and love as potential protest targets or as long-term means of ending prejudice. Part of this study recounts these organization's unexpected engagement with interracial intimacy despite its long history of criminalization. Far from a non-issue or a liability better left ignored, criticism of the sexual enforcement of racial boundaries permeates the sources these activists left behind. As much as they were influenced by external hostility, however, attitudes toward interracial love were also shaped by their internal organic intellect. This organic intellect acknowledged that restrictions on cross-racial intimacy served the ends of white supremacy. It also knew that interracial sex was as old as America, and neither it nor the presence of generations of ambiguously-complected mulattoes had eradicated that prejudice. This historical pragmatism acted with a sense of group loyalty that complicated any advocacy of wholesale interracial marriage, because to do so suggested a racial self-loathing and hankering after whiteness that ran counter to the freedom struggle itself. For all its apparent power, antimiscegenation laws never convinced activist African-Americans and their white allies that the color line was impermeable or that black and white could not love each other. Even so, the black freedom struggle could also never be convinced that love - or at least sex - would fix everything. This study uncovers the unexpected ways in which racism and white supremacy have infiltrated not only American sexual mores but our very notion of family and our definition of love. Both the permissive and prohibitive impulses that have shaped the contradictory history of interracial sexuality in America reveal complicated truths about our ancestors and ourselves.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries / Department: Sociology, Anthropology and Social Work.

Magister Artium - MA / A key aim of this study is to shed light on the representation of coloured women with reference to racial passing, using fictive characters depicted in Sarah Gertrude Millin’s (1924) God's Stepchildren, Zoë Wicomb's (2006) Playing in the Light, and Pat Stamatélos's (2005) Kroes, as presented by these three racially distinct female South African authors. Since I propose that literature provides a link between a subjective history and the under-represented narratives from the margins, I use literature to reimagine these. I analyse the ways in which the authors present 'hybrid' identities within their characters in different ways, and provide an explanation and contextual basis for the exploration of the theme of 'passing for and as white' within South Africa's complex history. I provide a sociological explanation of the act of racial passing in South Africa with reference to the United States by incorporating Nella Larsen's (1929) Passing. Since the analyses will concentrate on coloured females within the texts, gendered identity and female sexuality and stereotypes will be the focus. I look at the act and agent of passing, the role of raced and gendered performance in giving meaning to social identities, and the way in which the female body is constructed in racial terms in order to confer identity. Tracing the historical origins of coloured identity and coloured female identity, I interrogate this colonial, post-colonial, apartheid and post-apartheid history by employing a feminist lens. A combination of postcolonial feminist discourse analysis, sociological inquiry and feminist narrative analysis are therefore the methods I use to achieve my research aims. Chapter 1: The concepts of 'coloured', 'coloured identity', and 'passing' are introduced. I provide a historical overview of the origins of 'colouredness' in the South African context to examine the historical, ideological and social implications of the subject matter under discussion. Chapter 2: Set over a period between the years 1821 to 1921 God's Stepchildren deals with a family spanning four generations, bound by 'tainted' blood. I focus on the character Elmira who represents the third generation of the initial 'miscegenation'. I look at the effect the racist social milieu has on the author’s representation of coloured women and how this translates into apparently insurmountable beliefs that stereotypes equal nature. Chapter 3: Playing in the Light confronts racial passing through an unwitting passer and her intentionally passing parents. I analyse how Wicomb presents the protagonist's struggle to relocate her identity in contemporary South African society. I compare the attitudes toward race presented by the characters, especially across the two generations of passing women in the novel in order to demonstrate a progression in attitudes toward passing. Chapter 4: Kroes, published in 2005, is partially biographical. The novel is set in urban Cape Town and Johannesburg of the late 1950s to 1970. The protagonist, and central passing figure, narrates the story in the first person using Cape vernacular Afrikaans. I look at the way in which women are influenced by internalised inferiority, and how arbitrary skin pigmentation is deemed to decide their fate. Chapter 5: I draw together the common themes found in the three works of fiction, and draw inferences from my findings about the representation of coloured women.

Florida’s Spanish borderland was the result of over two hundred and fifty years of cooperation and contention among Indians, Spain, Britain, the United States and Africans who lived with them all. The borderland was shaped by the differing cultural definitions of color and how color affected laws about manumission, miscegenation, legitimacy, citizenship or degrees of rights for free people of color and to some extent for slaves themselves. The borderland did not vanish after the United States acquired Florida. It persisted in three ways. First, in advocacy for the former Spanish system by some white patriarchs who fathered mixed race families. Free blacks and people of color also had an interest in maintaining their property and liberties. Second, Indians in Florida and escaped slaves who allied with them well knew how whites treated non-whites, and they fiercely resisted white authority. Third, the United States reacted to both of these in the context of fear that further slave revolutions in the Caribbean, colluding with the Indian-African alliance in Florida, might destabilize slavery in the United States. In the new Florida Territory, Spanish era practices based on a less severe construction of race were soon quashed, but not without the articulate objections of a cadre of whites. Led by Zephaniah Kingsley, their arguments challenged the strict biracial system of the United States. This was a component of the persistent borderland, but their arguments were, in the end, also in the service of slavery and white patriarchy. The persistent border included this ongoing resistance to strict biracialism, but it was even more distinct because of the Indian-African resistance to the United States that was not in the service of slavery. To defend slavery and whiteness, the United States sent thousands of its military, millions of its treasure, and spent years to subdue the Indian-African alliance and to make Florida and its long shorelines a barrier to protect whiteness and patriarchy in the Deep South.

Florida’s Spanish borderland was the result of over two hundred and fifty years of cooperation and contention among Indians, Spain, Britain, the United States and Africans who lived with them all. The borderland was shaped by the differing cultural definitions of color and how color affected laws about manumission, miscegenation, legitimacy, citizenship or degrees of rights for free people of color and to some extent for slaves themselves. The borderland did not vanish after the United States acquired Florida. It persisted in three ways. First, in advocacy for the former Spanish system by some white patriarchs who fathered mixed race families. Free blacks and people of color also had an interest in maintaining their property and liberties. Second, Indians in Florida and escaped slaves who allied with them well knew how whites treated non-whites, and they fiercely resisted white authority. Third, the United States reacted to both of these in the context of fear that further slave revolutions in the Caribbean, colluding with the Indian-African alliance in Florida, might destabilize slavery in the United States. In the new Florida Territory, Spanish era practices based on a less severe construction of race were soon quashed, but not without the articulate objections of a cadre of whites. Led by Zephaniah Kingsley, their arguments challenged the strict biracial system of the United States. This was a component of the persistent borderland, but their arguments were, in the end, also in the service of slavery and white patriarchy. The persistent border included this ongoing resistance to strict biracialism, but it was even more distinct because of the Indian-African resistance to the United States that was not in the service of slavery. To defend slavery and whiteness, the United States sent thousands of its military, millions of its treasure, and spent years to subdue the Indian-African alliance and to make Florida and its long shorelines a barrier to protect whiteness and patriarchy in the Deep South.

This dissertation focuses on the issue of hybridity in Marguerite Duras' corpus of Indochinese texts, as well as on the meeting of identities in the colonial realm. In order to identify the problematics of colonial coexistence, we will address the themes of the encounter between the Orient and the Occident, the use of hybrid discourse and the role of memory in the process of rewriting. Edward Said's Orientalism theory as well as Homi Bhabha's concept of ambivalence in colonial discourse will serve as the basis for the analysis of the Indochinese cycle. Far from being a totalizing experience, hybridity will reveal itself as being a harrowing dichotomy.