Thèse de doctorat--Sciences du langage--Montpellier 3 Paul Valéry, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 286-307.

Texte remanié de: Doct.-thesis--Philosophy--Minneapolis--University of Minnesota, 1979. / Bibliogr. p. 239-261. Index.

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The advent of the hordes of HUlegU Khan into Persia in the mid thirteenth century marked not only a new era for the peoples of the Iranian plateau and the surrounding lands but for the invaders and settlers themselves, The coming of HUlegU Khan was in sharp contrast to the visitations of his father, Tolui Khan, and grandfather, Chinggis Khan, and the two generals, lebei and SUbodei, some three decades earlier This dissertation explores the establishment and development of the early ll-Khanate concentrating on the period of HUlegU and his son Abaqa's reign from 1256 until 1282, roughly covering the period of the luwaynis' ascendancy After a survey and review of the primary sources used in researching this dissertation, chapters two three and four look at the main events of the first two ll-Khans' reigns and the problems they faced as their armies moved west Chapters five and six deal with the threats that the emerging kingdom suffered from fellow Mongols in the north and in the east, and how these tensions and conflicts were indicative of events and developments elsewhere in the Mongol Empire, Chapters seven, eight and nine deal respectively with the semi-autonomous provinces of Kirman, Shiraz, and Herat Each of these provinces dealt with the central Mongol power in a different way and these contrasting relationships is examined. Chapter ten is concerned with a phenomenon often associated with the later thirteenth century, namely the growth in the incidence of Sufis, Qalandars, and poets, all of whom flourished under the II-Khans This chapter creates a picture of a world not always associated with Mongol Iran. The final chapter summarises the conclusions drawn from the preceding chapters and attempts to portray a fresh, more positive image of these early II-Khanid rulers and paint a more balanced and less cynical picture of conditions under HUlegU and his son Abaqa. The illustrations are intended more for their aesthetic appeal than their historical revelations.

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The period following the Mongol conquest of vast areas of Eurasia in the thirteenth century, the so-called Pax Mongolica, witnessed the emergence of a new visual language in Persian art and architecture. Various Islamic and non-Islamic visual traditions that permeated the whole body of the arts of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Iran played a pivotal role in the formation of the hybrid style characterizing the art and architecture of the Ilkhanid period (1256-1335 AD). Along with the reconstruction of the cities that had been extensively destroyed during the Mongol attack on Iran, the Ilkhans (Mongol rulers) founded a number of new settlements. Both literary and archaeological evidence testifies that the foundation and development of urban centers was one of the primary objectives of the Ilkhans throughout their rule over Iran. Putting emphasis on Ilkhanid urban architecture, this project focuses on two major cities in the northwest of Iran (Ghazaniyya and Sultaniyya) in order to show how the architectural and urban features of the cities were determined through the complex interaction of local and global forces. Challenging the stereotypes that looked at the steppe people as destroyers of civilizations in earlier scholarship, this study argues that the Ilkhanid city as a physical entity manifests the dialogue between Perso-Islamic sedentary concepts and Mongolian nomadic traditions. / Graduate / 2020-08-23

This dissertation examines five wooden hypostyle mosques built in Anatolia during the second half of the seventh/thirteenth century: the Sahip Ata Cami in Konya (656/1258) / the Ulu Camis of Afyon (671/1272) and Sivrihisar (673/1274-75) / the Ahi Serefettin Cami in Ankara (689/1289-90) / and the Esrefoglu Cami in Beysehir (696-698/1296-99). It aims primarily to explain how the condition of suzerainty prevailing after the Mongol Conquest in 641/1243 lead to the introduction of a new, wooden type of construction and caused it to proliferate. The dissertation employs a cultural-mode-of-production analysis to understand the circumstances of the type&rsquo / s introduction, with special emphasis on the place of wood in Islamic sacred building, the crisis of Islam after the Conquest, the cultural parameters of Seljuk patronage and the character of Mongol suzerainty.

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L’apparition de l’image du Mongol dans les peintures italiennes est un phénomène particulier et marginal aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles. Notre thèse s’interroge et analyse comment les artistes représentent cette nouvelle image de l’autre, si étrangère et siimpensable, et considère la formation et la transformation des images dans différents contextes. L’image du Mongol s’inscrit dans l’histoire transculturelle qui correspond à la période de la Pax Mongolica s’étendant entre 1250 et 1350. Après la conquête mongole, l’Empire mongol construisit une période de paix dans le vaste territoire de l’Eurasie. L’autorité mongole fit un grand effort pour faciliter les routes commerciales, elle construisit un réseau de routes qui permit aux marchands, ambassadeurs et missionnaires de circuler facilement entre l’Europe et l’Asie. A partir de ce moment, les figures mongoles, comme image d’altérité, pénètrent, d’une manière anachronique, dans les narrations évangéliques, comme l’Adoration des mages, la Crucifixion, la Pentecôte et la Résurrection. Elles ne jouent pas toujours un rôle péjoratif, mais changent leur image selon les contextes et les moments : elles ont été représentées comme Gog et Magog à la fin des temps, soldat partageant la tunique du Christ, spectateur et témoin devant le martyr et la Crucifixion, et rois orientaux adorant l’enfant Jésus. Tout cela constitue, dans une certaine mesure, une image oscillatoire qui crée une tension entre la terreur et l’espoir. Notre thèse tente de penser cette complexité du contexte dans la représentation de la figure mongole et dans ce processus, de démontrer comment l’image donne, à son tour, une visibilité des mentalités de la fin du Moyen Âge. / The appearance of Mongol images in Italian paintings is a particular and marginal phenomenon in the late 13th and 14th centuries. My thesis examines and analyses how artists represent this new image of the Other, so foreign and so unthinkable, and considers the formation and transformation of images in different contexts. The Mongol image inscribed in a transcultural history corresponds to the period of the Pax Mongolica between 1250 and 1350. After the Mongol conquest, the Mongol Empire built a period of peace in the vast territory of the Eurasia. The Mongolian authority made a great effort to facilitate the trade routes, and built a network of roads that allowed merchants, ambassadors and missionaries to circulate easily between Europe and Asia. From this moment, the Mongol image, as an image of otherness, penetrates into evangelical narrations in an anachronistic way, such as the Adoration of the Magi, the Crucifixion, Pentecost and the Resurrection. The role of Mongol is not univocally negative. It changes according to the moments and contexts: they were represented as Gog and Magog at the end of time; as soldier dividing the tunic of Christ; as spectator and witness watching the crucifixion or martyrdom scenes; as oriental kings worshiping the newborn Christ-child. All of this constitute, to some extent, an oscillating image that creates a tension between terror and hope. My thesis aims to consider the complexity of the context in the representation of the Mongol image and to demonstrate how, in this process, the image gives, in turn, a visibility of the mentalities of the end of the Middle Ages.

This thesis approaches two perennial and interrelated problems in the historiography of China - the question of the openness or self-isolation of (Ming) Chinese society, as well as the nature and extent of the Mongol legacy in the (early) Ming - from a new angle. In spite of a growing body of scholarship on political, military, and institutional aspects of the transition from 'foreign' Mongol Yuan (1271-1368) to 'native' Ming (1368-1644) rule, there is one aspect that has received little attention so far: language, or rather languages in the plural, and translation between them. By bringing the various multilingual dimensions of the early Ming to the foreground of analysis and studying them against the backdrop of the Mongol legacy, this thesis covers new ground. While recognising that not all activities with which it is concerned would have been seen as connected by early Ming actors, this thesis argues that they do collectively constitute a realm of action with a common purpose, which we can comprehend as 'language policy.' This perspective is significant, because Yuan continuities on macro levels (administrative, institutional, political) can only be truly grasped through a systematic investigation of micro levels, such as language. To achieve these aims, the thesis blends concepts and methods from history, sinological philology, and Linguistic Landscape Studies (LLS). My argument is threefold. First, the Mongol heritage was not just perceptible in institutions and newly absorbed territory but also on the level of language. Second, the early Ming, far from being 'fiercely anti-Mongol' (as one authority recently put it), consciously attempted to imitate and surpass the Yuan, and multilingualism - for both communicative and emblematic reasons - played an important part in this endeavour. Third, and most importantly, the year 1368 marked neither a 'revolutionary' rupture nor a 'business as usual' continuation of Mongol legacies. Rather, the new dynasty attempted to strike a difficult balance, in which language and translation policies were instrumental in harmonising the needs for both continuity with and a break from the past. The Ming continued Yuan traditions such as the production of multilingual steles and edicts to symbolise and enforce their universal imperial claim, while Chinese was (not de jure, but de facto) reinstituted as the major imperial language, as opposed to one imperial language among many, as in Mongol times. The very notion of universal empire, continued from Yuan to Ming, would beat odds with monolingualism, and consequently, the Ming could not have been monolingual, even if they had so desired. While the distinction between 'multilingual foreign' dynasties (Yuan, Qing) and 'monolingual Chinese' ones (Ming) is not outright wrong, it does need considerable refinement, in order to understand the Ming's place in the larger Yuan-Ming-Qing transition. 'Translation of empire' has a double meaning in this thesis. First, it is meant literally in the sense of language mediation: textual legacies of the Yuan were translated from languages such as Mongolian or Persian into Chinese, while the new empire translated its claim to power into other languages. Second, it is a metaphor alluding to the political concept of translatio imperii, known from Western Eurasian history and comparable to the Chinese 'dynastic cycle' narrative: fundamentally the idea of cultural mobility, with knowledge and power moving from empire to empire. How did the Yuan-Ming transition work as a translatio imperii in both senses of the word and what can we conclude from it regarding the nature of the early Ming?