Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Social and Political Thought. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 428-446). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR19842

Thesis (B.S.)--University of Wisconsin -- La Crosse, 2007. / Also available online. Includes bibliographical references.

Monotheism and its development in Israelite religion is a topic that continues to invite scholarly engagement. Some of the key talking points around it involve whether or not it was developed before or after the exilic period. At the same time, and irrespective of when it was introduced into Israelite religion, the circumstances that facilitated its development have never been acknowledged with unanimity. The purpose of the present study is two-fold: first, it seeks to prove that pre-exilic Israelite religion was as syncretistic as any other ancient Near Eastern tradition, and that exclusive monotheism only became a reality in Persian period Yehud. Secondly, the study is also intended to authenticate the hypothesis that in the wake of the development of monotheism in Yehud, all deities other than Yahweh were demoted to the status of מלאכים, messengers (angels) leaving Yahweh as the only legitimate God. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2018. / Old Testament Department - University of Pretoria / Old Testament Studies / PhD / Unrestricted

Between the 1st and 3rd centuries AD, there was a rise in inscriptions dedicated to gods given the epithet hypsistos (“most high”). This growth raises questions about the beliefs and composition of the cult or cults that set up these dedications. The answers to these questions shed light on the construction and spread of monotheism in the pagan world as well as the context in which early Christianity spread and attracted followers. Many scholars, from Schürer in 1897 to Mitchell in 2010 have interpreted the Hypsistos inscriptions as evidence of a widespread pagan cult that practiced a syncretic Jewish-pagan religion and worshiped the Jewish god. In this essay, I examine Hypsistos inscriptions from the Bosporan kingdom, Anatolia, and Athens. Where possible, I infer the beliefs of the groups or persons that set up dedication, compare the iconography of the dedications, identify the gods of the inscriptions, often hidden behind a guise of anonymity, and explore the demographic composition of the groups that set up these shrines and dedications. I find that a variety of groups set up dedications to the Most High God, and that hypsistos connotes a number of different meanings. The beliefs of the worshipers that set up these dedications range from pagan polytheism to an extreme henotheism almost indistinguishable from monotheism. In some cases these worshipers may associate themselves with the Jewish religion, in other cases they do not. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This study is purposed to show how the Christian and Islamic concepts of monotheism are paradigms and thus, argues that the concept of paradigm, as a method of inquiry, can be a basis for analysing and exposing the conflictive differences and seeming similarities between the paradigms of Trinitarianism and Tawhidism.  Taking its ideas of the paradigms of Trinitarianism and Tawhidism from the Christian Trinity and Islamic Tawhid respectively, this study argues that the Christians and Muslims construct their identities from these paradigms as Trinitarian faith and Tawhidic faith respectively.  It investigates the fundamental principles of Islam and Christianity as constituting the <i>belief formulae</i> wrapped in the paradigms of Trinitarianism and Tawhidism. Therefore, analysing the issues of identity and alterity, the ideological oppositions, and orthodoxy claims intertwined in the paradigms of Trinitarianism and Tawhidism, this study examines the conflict of interpretations with reference to the nature of God, Christology/<i>’Isalogy</i>, Maryology and the lines of defining Christians and Muslims as ‘binary opposites’.  It further argues for a transformational intersubjectivity as a necessary condition to authentic communication between Christians and Muslims by analysing the paradigms of Trinitarianism and Tawhidism from the philosophies of dialogue. Using in places the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA), this study analyses the empirical data of  <i>A Common Word</i> and reavels the underlying problems of ideologies, dichotomies, identity constructions and orthodoxy claims that are associated with the paradigms of Trinitarianism and Tawhidism.  This study observes that groups of Christians and Muslims, through various conferences and workshops were able to reach some compromise on interfaith matters.

M.A. (Biblical Studies) / The aim of this study was to investigate on the one hand Second Isaiah's employment of the creation tradition and monotheism motif and to establish whether a relation exists between them, and, on the other hand, whether in the use of these themes one can speak of a re-creation that Second Isaiah announces ...

The thesis is a description of the relationship between the 'one God, the Father' and the 'one Lord, Jesus Christ' in I Cor. 8. 4-6. It analyses Paul's language about God and Christ against the background of contemporary Jewish language about the one God, making use of methodic concepts gleaned eclectically from the structural movement in linguistics and the social sciences. Accordingly, the study falls into two parts: a determination of Paul's Jewish monotheistic presuppositions, and an analysis of I Cor. 8. 4-6 itself. Part one uses the Greek Old Testament, the Apocrypha, the Pseudepigrapha, the Dead Sea Scrolls, Philo, Josephus, and the New Testament, in particular some two hundred statements of monotheism collected from these sources (presented in an appendix), to illuminate the oblique references to monotheistic belief in Paul's letters. This part of the study concentrates on answering a series of nine questions about Jewish monotheism designed to shed light on Paul's language in our chosen passage. Part two combines the familiar grammatical-historical methods of biblical scholarship with newer, structural methods of exegesis to investigate the doctrinal content of the quasi-confessional language about God and Christ in I Cor. 8 4-6 in the light of our results from part one. The major conclusions of the study can be summarized in three statements. (1) I Cor. 8. 6 contains two classic statements of monotheism using traditional Jewish language, one in reference to the Father and one in reference to Jesus Christ; in each case, the language of monotheism comprehends not only the explicit confession with 'one', but also the prepositional phrases, which contain elements closely associated with belief in one God in Jewish thought. (2) Paul's paradoxical language about God and Christ in this passage certainly expresses the functional subordination of Christ to God, but it very probably presupposes an identity of these two figures at some undefined point, an identity which may well be essential in nature (by comparison especially with Gal. 4.8). (3) The language about Christ in I Cor. 8. 6. is informed not so much by Jewish Wisdom speculation as by Jewish language about the one God: it is best labelled a 'monotheism christology'. Hence the contribution of the thesis to knowledge lies in three areas. (1) It clarifies the nature and associations of Jewish monotheistic language. (2) It provides scientific support for the view, by no means generally accepted, that the New Testament adumbrates the concept of the ontological deity of Christ, using the most current methods of exegesis and working with a comprehensive selection of comparative Jewish materials. (3) It brings to the fore a christological category - the language of monotheism - which has been largely overlooked by researchers in the field of the origins and development of christology in the early church.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 19, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 302-325).

Magister Theologiae - MTh / This study begins by recognising the religiously plural context in which the Christian churches currently exist. It discusses the various forces that impel the churches towards recognition of and dialogue with those of other faiths, as well as factors that hinder this process. It mentions a variety of ways in which theology - in particular, the theological understanding of the relationship between the Christian churches and other faith communities - is influenced by its context. In an attempt to identify a model within the Judaeo-Christian tradition that will provide a basis for inter-faith dialogue, the study proposes an exploration of the relationship between Yahweh and the gods of the nations as reflected in the the prophetic writings known as Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah, writings that almost certainly emerged from two particular periods in the history of the people of lsrael: the Babylonian exile and the early post-exilic period in Palestine. The study outlines historical developments within these two periods. It explores the various religious beliefs - Babylonian, Palestinian and Persian - that together formed the multi-faith context for Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah.

This thesis aims to study Western missionaries’ theological debate over the choice of the name of God, known as the Term Question, in the Korean Bible, a controversy which implied a certain theological position in terms of the degree of continuity or discontinuity between existing Korean theistic belief and faith in the God of Bible. This thesis seeks three goals. First, it attempts to analyse the Chinese roots of the Term Question in Korea. In China, the Term Question first arose among Roman Catholic missions from 1637 to 1742 between an indigenous Confucian term, Shangti 上帝 (Sovereign on High), favoured by the Jesuits, notably Matteo Ricci, and a neologism, T’ienzhu 天主 (the Lord of Heaven), used by the Dominicans and the Franciscans. A second phase of the Chinese Term Question involved nineteenth-century Protestant missions, and confronted missions with a choice between Shangti, most notably advocated by James Legge of the London Missionary Society, and Shen 神 (a generic term for god), supported by a majority of American missionaries. These three Chinese theistic terms were imported into the Korea mission field. John Ross of the United Presbyterian Church in Manchuria, in his first Korean New Testament (1877-1887), translated the name of God as Hananim, the Supreme Lord of Korean indigenous religion, on the basis of the Shangti edition of the Delegates’ Version. The first Korean Roman Catholics and later the Anglican missions in Korea adopted Ch’onzhu (Chinese T’ienzhu), following Catholic practice in China. A Korean diplomat in Japan, Su-Jung Lee, adopted Shin (Chinese Shen) from the Shen edition of the Chinese Bible, in his Korean Bible translations (1883-1885). The need to choose between the these three Korean theistic terms, derived theologically from the three corresponding Chinese theistic terms, consequently triggered the Term Question in Korea from 1882 to 1911. Second, the thesis argues that there was a significant theological continuity between the Chinese and Korean Term Questions. The Term Question in both China and Korea proceeded on a similar pattern; it was a terminological controversy between an indigenous theistic term (Shangti and Hananim) on the one hand and a neologism (T’ienzhu and Korean Ch’onzhu) or a generic term (Shen and Korean Shin) on the other hand. Central to both Term Questions was the theological issue of whether a primitive monotheism, congruent with Christian belief, had existed among the Chinese and Koreans. It will suggest that whilst those who adhered to a degeneration theory of the history of religions used either Shangti or Hananim as the name of the God of the Bible, those who rejected the existence of primitive monotheism preferred to use the neologism or the generic term. Third, this thesis suggests that there was, nevertheless, a significant divergence between the Term Question in China and that in Korea. Whereas the Term Question in China became polarised for over three centuries between two equal and opposite parties – between the Jesuits (Shangti) and the Dominicans-Franciscans (T’ienzhu), and later between the Shangti party and the Shen party in Protestant missions, that in iv Korea was a short-term argument for three decades between a vast majority (of the Hananim party) and a small minority (the opponents of Hananim). It is argued that the disproportion in Korea in favour of Hananim was due to the much closer analogy between Hananim and the Christian trinity, as seen in the Dan-Gun myth, than was the case with Shangti in Chinese religion. For this reason, the thesis concludes by suggesting that the adoption of the indigenous monotheistic term, Hananim, in a Christian form contributed to the higher rate of growth of the Korean church compared to that of the church in China.