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Apartheid housing policies of the pre-1994 South African government, and the low-cost highdensity housing programmes of the post-1994 government, has given rise to numerous urban environmental problems, some of which could be addressed in a cost-effective and sustainable manner through urban greening, while simultaneously promoting biodiversity. Public participation in the planning of urban greening has been identified as being of vital importance, without which urban greening projects run a high, and expensive, risk of failure. Previous studies indicate that the greening priorities of residents in low-cost high-density housing settlements may differ considerably from those of managers and experts tasked with the protection and extension of the natural environment resource base. A system of participatory decision support is therefore required to reconcile the greening requirements of the community, and the ecological benefits of biodiversity. If language, literacy, map literacy and numeracy difficulties are to be avoided, and a sense of place or belonging is to be invoked, such a participatory decision support system should, ideally, be visually based, and capable of generating realistic eye-level depictions of the urban landscape. New computer-based landscape visualisation applications, which can directly utilise GIS, CAD and DEM data to produce detailed photo-realistic viewsheds, were deemed better suited to the task of visualising urban greening than existing GIS based mapping systems, CAD and traditional landscape visualisation methods. This dissertation examines the process of constructing a 3D computer model of the Mount Royal low-cost high-density housing settlement, situated in the eThekwini Municipality, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Visualisations including terrain, natural features, indigenous vegetation, houses and roads were produced and submitted, with a questionnaire, to experts from different disciplines, Mount Royal residents and neighbors. Results from the expert survey indicate moderate support for visualisation in professional decision-making. However, both experts and residents expressed strong support for the accuracy and credibility ofthe visualisations, as well as for their potential in a participatory decision support system. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

This thesis addresses the nineteenth-century art collection of Donald Alexander Smith, Lord Strathcona (1820--1914), in relation to intersecting questions of imperialism, colonial relations, and cultural status. Both the formation of the collection and its dispersal are linked to a dialectic of cultural hegemony and national identity in nineteenth-century Canada. Smith came penniless to Montreal from Scotland in 1838, became the wealthiest man in Canada by the end of the century, and is known as Lord Strathcona after being raised to the peerage by Queen Victoria in 1897. My discussion of the rise and fall of Strathcona's collection is informed by postcolonial theory and its critical re-reading of imperialism. While British imperialism was the ideology that governed Strathcona's activities, Anthony Giddens's structuration theory is introduced to account for how personal agency remains operative within this dominant ideology. / Strathcona formed a significant collection of European paintings and Asian art, which was, however, largely dispersed by the institution charged with its care, thus reducing its significance. Krzysztof Pomian's concept of collectors as select individuals who mediate symbolic cultural power through semiotic constructs provides an important methodological anchor for an analysis of the collector and his collection, as does Carol Duncan's work on the motivation to collect art and to structure cultural identity through control of museums. As well, the princely model of collecting reveals the humanist values operative throughout the centuries by comparison of Strathcona to the Medici in terms of the deployment of spectacle. / This thesis makes use of primary source materials to compare Strathcona's collection to several of his peers in order to place him in his cultural milieu during a time in Canadian history when Montreal was a British enclave in a French province. Analysis of fragmented primary source inventories, catalogues, personal letters, and records held by the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts and the National Archives of Canada, identification of paintings documented in the Notman photographs of 1914--1915, and my tracing of the public portraits of Strathcona by Robert Harris still on view in Montreal institutions allowed me to create useful inventories that previously did not exist.

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The common conception that the cemetery holds the memory of all who died and were buried before us is a false one. There were certain biases in who was being commemorated, a form of selectivity to the memorial process, that caused a great number of people to erode from the landscape. The argument is based on observations from a sample of seventeen hundred individuals from the latter half of the nineteenth century in Montreal and surrounding villages. A selection of twelve surnames from archival data includes the three main cultures present in Montreal in the nineteenth century (French Canadians, Irish Catholics and English Protestants) and allows me to reconstitute families, to identify their kinship ties, and to determine their situation in life. Records from the cemeteries on Mount Royal and from the parishes of three rural villages confirm the burial of individuals from the sample. The presence or absence of these individuals in the cemetery landscapes depends on different commemorative practices influenced by religion, culture, gender, status and age.

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Durant les années 1950, les autorités municipales, sous la pression du département de la police, ont demandé le déboisement d’une section du parc du Mont-Royal. Cette section, communément appelée la « Jungle » et principalement composée de broussailles, de buissons et d’arbres, était fréquentée par une clientèle considérée comme indésirable. Cette dernière comprenait, essentiellement, des alcooliques, des voyous, des pervers, et, surtout, des homosexuels. Leur éradication s’est alors déployée selon un plan en trois étapes qui avait pour objectif de simplifier les techniques de surveillance utilisées par le département de la police. D’abord, une augmentation de l’éclairage, puis, le déboisement de la « Jungle », et, finalement, la construction d’une route, aujourd’hui connue sous le nom de Camillien-Houde. Le parc devenait ainsi plus accessible et plus sécuritaire. Les coupes, que l’on a appelées les « coupes de la moralité », ont eu un effet considérable sur l’environnement et la composition écologique du parc, donnant, entre autres, aux Montréalais, l’impression que le parc était devenu chauve (ce qui lui conféra d’ailleurs le surnom de Mont Chauve). Les transformations du parc du Mont-Royal n’étaient cependant pas limitées à sa Jungle. En fait, des modifications furent aussi mises en application dans d’autres sections considérées comme sous-développées. La métamorphose du parc et de sa « Jungle » était un acte de développement caractéristique de l’ère moderniste de la planification du Montréal d’après-guerre. La re-planification du parc du Mont-Royal témoigne ainsi d’une volonté sans bornes des autorités d’instaurer la moralité et la modernité dans la ville, volonté qui aura pour conséquence d’altérer la composition écologique du parc. C’est ce qui sera à l’origine d’une campagne nommée « Save-the-Mountain Movement », qui a cherché à empêcher la modernisation de l’espace et milité pour la réhabilitation du parc en tant que boisé paisible. / During the 1950s, the municipal authorities, under pressure from the Police Department, called for the clearing of a section of Mount Royal Park—the so-called “Jungle” (composed mainly of undergrowth, bushes, and trees)—where a community of undesirable Park patrons had established themselves. This cohort of undesirables was understood as being composed mainly of alcoholics, thugs, perverts and most importantly homosexuals. Their eradication was undertaken through a threefold plan which would simplify the techniques of surveillance used by the Police Department; this would be achieved through (1) increased lighting, (2) clearing the Jungle, (3) construction of a roadway, now known as the Camillien-Houde roadway, thus making the Park more accessible and safe. The cuts, known as the Morality Cuts, had a lasting effect on the environmental and ecological composition of the Park, with the immediate repercussion of “balding” the Park, thereby giving it the nickname of Mount Baldy. Yet Mount Royal Park’s transformation was not limited to its Jungle. In fact, the transformation was undertaken in a number of the Park’s sections which were deemed undeveloped. The development Mount Royal Park and of its Jungle were therefore acts of development, under the umbrella of Montréal’s modernist postwar planning. Indeed, the re-planning of Mount Royal Park testifies to the unbounded will of the authorities to instill morality and modernity within the city, going to lengths that ultimately altered the ecological composition of the Park. This would in the end lead to an all out campaign named the Save-the-Mountain Movement, which sought to end the modernist encroachment of this space and rehabilitate the Park as a wooded and tranquil environment.

Le site de la carrière du mont Royal (BjFj-97), découvert en 1993 par Yvon Codère et inventorié en 1997 par l’équipe d’Ethnoscop Inc., constitue une énigme archéologique intéressante pour quiconque s’intéresse à la préhistoire de l’île de Montréal et de sa région adjacente. Lors des activités archéologiques de 1997, quelques idées furent émises quant à son affiliation chronologique et sa nature, suggérant une occupation remontant à l’Archaïque terminal (4000 à 3000 AA) orientée vers l’extraction et la transformation de la cornéenne, une pierre métamorphique résultant de la transformation du substrat rocheux en place suite à des intrusions magmatiques lors du Crétacé qui ont créé les Montérégiennes. Le matériel, comprenant plus de 10 000 déchets de taille et un peu plus de 70 artéfacts divers, ne fît pas l’objet d’analyses poussées hormis la datation approximative du site par un examen sommaire des pointes de projectile. Ce mémoire reprend les données de 1997 et apporte une perspective nouvelle au site en décrivant morphologiquement et technologiquement le débitage de la pierre de façon à comprendre la chaîne opératoire de la cornéenne, une matière peu étudiée, mais fort commune au Québec méridional, appréhender les possibilités de la matière et aborder les questions de datation. L’ensemble du matériel lithique fît l’objet d’une analyse lithique poussée axée sur le débitage et les produits finis et propose la prépondérance de la taille bifaciale, ponctuée par un débitage sur éclat conséquent. L’ensemble des étapes de la chaîne opératoire est présent sur le site de la carrière du mont Royal. La cornéenne est une matière difficile à tailler en raison de son imprévisibilité, liée à la structure même de la matière, menant à un fort taux d’échecs lors de l’élaboration des outils. La datation de l’occupation principale du site pointe vers l’Archaïque terminal, mais le caractère équivoque des diverses classes d’objets rend difficile sa définition absolue, faute d’objets parfaitement diagnostiques. Le site BjFj-97 ressemble grandement à un site homologue en Nouvelle-Angleterre où la cornéenne fût travaillée suivant le même schéma opératoire, suggérant un apparentement culturel possible. La cornéenne abonde et domine dans les assemblages archéologiques de la région montréalaise, substituant ainsi des matières de meilleure qualité absentes régionalement. Leurs correspondances chronologiques transcendent celles établies lors de l’analyse du matériel de la carrière et montrent un étalement chronologiquement plus étendu, de l’Archaïque laurentien au Sylvicole supérieur. La cornéenne se retrouve habituellement sous forme d’outils bifaciaux fonctionnels (bifaces, couteaux et pointes de projectile) de piètre facture et d’outils sur éclats (grattoirs et racloirs) rudimentaires, suggérant une signification strictement utilitaire, le propre des matières de basse qualité. Les modes d’extraction de la cornéenne restent inconnus sur le mont Royal. Le mont Royal est plus qu’un vulgaire point défensif, il constitue la base de la subsistance des populations préhistoriques de jadis où se trouvent les matériaux nécessaires à la taille d’outils de prédation liés à un mode de vie mobile où domine la chasse. / The Mount Royal quarry site (BjFj-97), discovered in 1993 by Yvon Codère and test pitted in 1997 by Ethnoscop Inc., is an interesting archaeological puzzle for anyone interested in the Montreal region prehistory. Following the 1997 archaeological testing, some ideas were raised about the quarry’s cultural affiliation and its chronological position. Archaeologists proposed a primary occupation focused on hornfels extraction and transformation dating back to the Terminal Archaic period (4000-3000 BP). Hornfels is a metamorphic rock that resulted from bedrock being “cooked” during cretaceous magmatic intrusion that created the Monteregian hills. The material recovered, includes more than 10,000 flakes and over 70 artefacts, and is analysed here for the first time. This thesis provides a new perspective on the Mount Royal quarry site describing morphologically and technologically the stone tool production in order to better understand the hornfels’ chaîne opératoire. This lithic material is common on archaeological sites in southern Quebec can help us to address some issues of dating the quarry site. The entire lithic collection was subjected to an extensive analysis including all of the debitage and finished products, and shows the dominance of bifacial flintknapping, with some flake tools also being produced. All stages f the lithic reduction sequence are present on the Mount Royal quarry site. Hornfels is a difficult material to work because of its unpredictability, due to structure of matter, leading to a high rate of failures in the manufacture of tools. The main occupation of the site is dated to the Terminal Archaic, but the equivocal nature of the various objects makes it difficult to clearly define the period of occupation and exploitation. Site BjFj-97 is similar to another site in New England where hornfels was worked using a similar lithic reduction sequence, suggesting a possible cultural kinship. Hornfels is common on sites in the Montreal area, often substituting for better materials. The presence of hornfels on these sites suggests a wider chronological spread than that established from the material analysis from the quarry and covers the Laurentian Archaic to Woodland periods. Hornfels is usually found in formal bifacial tool forms (bifaces, knives and projectile points) and less formal flakes tools (scrapers) suggesting a strictly utilitarian significance, characteristic of low quality materials. Little is known about hornfels extraction methods on the mountain. Mount Royal is more than a defensive point: it forms the basis of the livelihood of the prehistoric people where predation tools were associated with a mobile lifestyle dominated by hunting.

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No description available.